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irEROx Library 








-■ .\ 










to the honoubable 
Edward Montagu, | Sir John Poivlet, 

WHEN I observe the several alterationa in 
nobility, 1 find four priDcip&l actors on the 
theatres of great funtlies; Uie banner, advancer, 
continuer, and miner. The banner is he who by his 
virtues refineth himself from the dross of the vulgar, 
and layeth the foundation of his house: an excellent 
workman indeed, as who not only bringeth his tools, 
but maketh his materials. The advancer, who im- 
proveth the patrimony of honour he receiveth ; and 
what hig father found glass aad made crystal, he findeth 
crystal and maketh it pearl. The continuer, who 
keepeth hia nobility alive, and passeth it along, neither 
marring nor mending it ; but sendeth it to his son as 
he re<^ved it from his father. The miner, who basely 
degenerateth from his ancestors; so that in him nobi- 
lity hath run so far from its first starting, that it is 
tired : and whilst he liveth he is no better than his 
grandfather's tomb ; without, carved over with honour- 
able titles ; within, full of emptiness, or what is worse, 

Now to apply. You cannot be beginners of your 

res ; that care was cared for, before your nurses 
chosen, or your cradles provided. Your fathers, 


though of late years fixed in a higher sphere, were 
hright stars long hefore. None can go on in our 
English chronicles, hut they must meet with a Mon- 
tagu and a Powlet, either in peace in their gowns, or 
in war in their armour. Yea, when I go backward by 
the streams of your paternal nobihty (not to speak of 
the tributary brooks of their matches), I can never find 
the first fountain ; and hope none shall ever find the 
last fall. For as for the miners of houses, I should 
rend that thought out with my heart, if it should con- 
ceive that of you. Nay, let me tell you, if you be but 
bare continuers of your honour, you deceive both the 
desires and hopes of your friends. Good is not good 
when proceeding from them from whom far better is 
expected. Your youthful virtues are so promising, that 
you cannot come off in your riper age with credit, with- 
out performing what may redound to the advancing of 
the honour of your family, and without building your 
houses one story higher in the English history. 

Now know, next religion, there is nothing accom- 
plisheth a man more than learning. Learning in a 
lord is as a diamond in gold. And if you fear to hurt 
your tender hands with thorny school-questions, there 
is no danger in meddling with history, which is a 
velvet study, and recreation work. What a pity is it 
to see a proper gentleman to have such a crick in his 
neck that he cannot look backward I yet no better k 
he who cannot see behind him the actions which \on]g 
since were performed. History maketh a young man 
to be old, without either wrinkles or gray hairs ; pri- 
vileging him with the experience of age, without 
either the infirmities or inconveniences thereof. Yea, 
it not only maketh things past, present ; but enableth 
one to make a rational conjecture of things to come. 
For this world affordeth no new accidents, but in the 
same sense wherein we call it a new moon, which is 
the old one in another shape, and yet no other than 
what hath been formerly. Old actions return again, 
furbished over with some new and different circum^ 


Now amongst all particular histories (I may say) 
none is more general than this of the Holy War, which 
now I present to your honours. Some will condemn 
me for an ill hushand, in lavishing two noble patrons 
on one book, whereas, one of them might have served 
to have patronised many volumes. But first, 1 did it 
in the weak expression of my thankfulness unto you, 
being deeply indebted to you both ; and I thought it 
dishonesty to pay all to one creditor, and none to 
another : and therefore conceived it best, to share my 
estate jointly betwixt you, as far forth as it would 
extend. Secondly, considering the weakness of this 
work, now being to walk abroad in the world, I thought 
it must be led by both arms, and needed a double 
supporter. And now I am sure this Holy War, which 
was unhappy heretofore, when acted, will be happy 
hereafter, now written and related, because dedicated 
to your honours. So resteth 

Your honours' 

in all service 


JIdarch 6, 1639. 




IN this work I can challenge nothing to myself, but 
the composing of it. The materials were found to 
my hand ; which if any historian will make, let him not 
be commended for wit, but shamed for falsehood. If 
every where I have not charged the margin with the 
author's names, it is either because the story is author 
for itself (I mean, generally received), or to avoid the 
often citing of the same place. Where I could not go 
abroad myself, there 1 have taken air at the window, 
and have cited authors on others' citations ; yet so 
that the stream may direct to the fountain. 

If the reader may reap in few hours what cost me 
more months, just cause have I to rejoice, and he (I 
hope) none to complain. Thus may the faults of this 
book redound to myself, the profit to others, the glory 
to God. 





CAPTAIN of arts, in this thy Holy War 
My muse desires to be thy trumpeter, 
In thy just praise to spend a blast or two. 
For this is all that she (poor thing; can do. 

Peter the Hermit, like an angry owl, * 
Would needs go fight all armed in his cowl. 
What, had the holy man nought else to do, 
But thus to lose his blood and credit too ? 
Seeking to win Christ's sepulchre, Ood wot, 
He found his own ; this was the ground he got. 
Except he got more ground, when he one day 
Besieging Antioch fiercely ran away. 
Much wiser was the Pope : at home he stayed. 
And made the world believe he wept and prayed. 
Meanwhile (behold the fruit of feigned tears) 
He sets the world together by the ears. 
His head serves him, whilst others use their hands : 
Whilst princes lose their lives, he gets their lands. 
To win the Holy Land what need kings roam? 
The pope can make a Holy Land at home 
By making it his own : then for a fashion, 
'Tis said to come by Constantine*s donation. 
For all this fox-craft, I have leave (I hope) 
To think my friend far wiser than the pope 
And hermit both : he deals in holy wars. 
Not as a stickler in those fruitless jars. 
But a composer rather : hence this book ; 
Whereon whilst I with greedy eyes do look, 
Methinks I travel through the Holy Laud, 
Viewing the sacred objects on each hand. 
Here mounts (methinks), like Olivet, brave sense ; 
There flows a Jordan of pure eloquence : 
A temple rich in ornament I find 
Presented here to my admiring mind. 
Strange force of Art ! the ruined holy city 
Breeds admiration in me now, not pity. 
To testify her liking, here my muse 
Makes solemn vows, as holy pilgrims use. 



I vow, dear friend, the Holy War is here 

Far better writ than ever fought elsewhere. 

Thousands have fought and died : but all this while, 

I vow, there nothing triumphs but thy style. 

Thy wit hath vanquished barbarism more 

Than ever Godfrey's valour did before. 

Might I but choose, I rather would by far 

Be author of thy book than of that war. 

Let others fight ; I vow to read thy works. 

Prizing thy ink before the blood of Turks. 

J. Booth, B.D.C.C.C. 


HOW comes stern war to be accounted holy, 
By nature fierce, complexion melancholy ? 
I'll tell you how : sh' has been at Rome of late, 
And gained an indulgence to expiate 
Her massacres ; and by the pope's command 
Sh' has been a pilgrim to the Holy Land, 
Where* freeing Christians by a sacred plot, 
She for her pains this epithet hath got 

H. Atkins. 

NOR need Jerusalem, that holy mother. 
Envy old Troy ; since she has found another 
To write her battles, and her wars rehearse 
In prose as elegant as Homer's verse. 
Let Sueton's name august as Caesar's be ; 
Curtius more worlds than Alexander see ; 
Let Joseph in his country's siege survive, 
And Phoenix-like in his own ashes thrive : 
Thy work great Fuller, will outlive their glory, 
And make thy memory sacred as thy story. 
Thy style is clear and white : thy very name 
Speaks pureness, and adds lustre to the frame. 
All men could wish, nay long, the world would jar, 
So thou'dst be pleased to write, compose the War. 

H. HuTTON, M. A. C. Jes. 



WHILE of thy book I speak, friend, I'll think on 
Thy Jordan for my purest Helicon ; 
And for biforked Parnassus, I will set -- 

My fancy on the sacred Olivet. 

fe^i \i 


Tis holy g^round which now my measured feet 
Must tread on ; then (as in due right 'tis meet) 
Let them be bare and plain ; for quainter art 
May sacrifice to thee without a heart ; 
And while it praiseth this thy work, may preach 
His glory, rather than thy merit's reach. 

Here, reader, thou mayst judge and well compare 
Who most in madness, Jew or Roman, share : 
This not so blind, yet in the clearest day 
Does stumble still on stocks, on stones, on clay ; 
The other will in bright and highest noon 
Choose still to walk by glimmering light o' th' moon. 
Here thou mayst represented see the tight 
Between our earthly flesh and heaTenly Sp'rit. 
Lo, how the Turk doth drive with flaming sword. 
Salvation from him and God's holy word. 
As once the angel did rebellious vice 
With Adam force from blessed paradise. 
And this in style diamond-like doth shine, 
Which firmest parts and clearest do combine. 
And o'er the sad ground of the Jewish story 
As light embroidery explays its glory. 
The temple razed and ruined seems more high 
In his strong phrase, than when it kissed the sky. 
And 1^ the viper, by those precious tears 
Which Phaeton bemoaned, of amber wears 
A rich (though fatal) coat; so here enclosed 
With words so rare, so splendent, so composed, 
E'en Mahomet has found a tomb, which shall 
Last when the fainting loadstone lets him fall. 

Henry Vintener. 


I LOVE no wars, 
I love no jars. 
Nor strife's tire : 
May discords cease ; 
Let's live in peace ; 
This I desire. 

If it must be 
Wars we must see 

So (fates conspire), 
May we not feel 
The force of steel ; 

This I desire. 


But in thy book 
When I do look 

And it admire ; 
Let war be there, 
But peace elsewliere ; 

This I desire. 

Tho. Jackson, 




THERE'S not a story, friend, in thy book told, 
But's a jewel ; each line a thread of gold. 
Though war soand harsh, and doth our minds affright. 
Yet clothed in well-wrought language 't doth delight. 
Such is thy gilded phrase, I joy to read 
In thee massacres, and to see men bleed. 
Oft have I seen in hangings on a wall 
The ruins of great Troy, and Priam's fall ; 
A story in itself so full of woe, 
'Twould make the Grecian weep that was the foe ; 
But being wrought in arras, and made gay 
With rich embroidery, 't makes th* beholder say, 
I like it well ; this fiame, that scar is good ; 
And then commend : this wound, that stream of blood. 
Things in themselves distasteful, are by art 
Made pleasant, and do much delight the heart. 
Such is thy book ; though it of blood relate 
And horrid war, whose yery name we hate. 
Yet clad in arras-language and thy phrase, 
Doth not affright, but with delight amaze, 
And with such power upon our senses seize. 
That 't makes war dreadful in itself, to please. 

WiLUAM Johnson, Q. Coll. 


WE need not now those zealous Yotaries meet, 
Or pilgrims turn ; but on our yerses' feet. 
Thy quill bath winged the earth ; the Holy Land 
Doth visit us, commanded by thy hand. 
If envy make thy labours prove thy loss, 
No marvel if a crusade wear the cross. 

Clement Bretton, Sidn. Coll. ^ 




Chapter I. — The Destruction of the City and Temple of 
JerusaUm hy the Romans^ under the Conduct of Titus, 

WHEN ihe Jews had made the full measure of their 
sins run over, by putting to death the Lord of Life 
[a. d. 34], God's judgments (as they deserved, and our 
Saviour foretold) quickly overtook them ; for a mighty army 
of the Romans besieged and sacked the city of Jerusalem 

i'72], wherein by fire, famine, sword, civil discord, and 
breign force', eleven hundred thousand were put to death. 
Ah incredible number it seemeth : yet it cometh within 
the compass of our belief, if we consider that the siege began 
at the time of the passover, when in a manner all Judea was 
enclosed in Jerusalem, all private synagogues doing then 
tl^eir duties to the mother temple; so that the city then 
had more guests than inhabitants. Thus the passover, first^ 
instituted by God in mercy to save the Israelites from death, 

[as now used by him in justice to hasten their destruction, 
and to gather the nation into a bundle to be cast into the 
iiife of his anger. Besides those who were slain, ninety- 

Iven thousand were taken captives; and they who had 
bowight our Saviour for thirty pence ^ were themselves sold 
thirty for a. penny. The general of the Romans in this 
acltion was Titus, son to Vespasian the emperor : a prince 
sol good, that he was styled the Darling oj Mankind^ for 

1 Josepbus, lib. 7, Belli Jud. Gr. c. 45» Lat c. 17. 

3 Ezod. xii. IS. 
\' Adhcom. in Actis Apost, fol. 382« credo, ex Hegesippo. 
\^ Suetonius in Tito* 


2 THE HISTORY OF a.d.132 

his sweet and loving natare (and pity it was so good^ stock 
had not been better grafted), so virtuously disposed, that he 
may justly be count^ the glory of all Pagans, and shame of 
most Christians. He laboured what lay in his power to 
have saved the temple, and many therein ; but the Jews, 
by their obstinacy and desperateness, made themselves in- 
capable of any mercy. Then was the temple itself made a 
sacrifice, and burnt to ashes; and of that stately structure, 
which drew the apostles' admiration, not a stone left upon 
a stone. The walls of the city (more shaken with the sins 
of the Jews defending them, than with the battering rams 
of the Romans assaulting them) were levelled to the ground; 
only three towers left standing, to witness the great strength 
of the place, and greater valour of the Romans who con- 
quered it. But whilst this storm fell on the unbelieving 
Jews, it was calm amongst the Christians ; who, warned by 
Christ's predictions, and many other prodigies, fled betimes 
out of the city to Pella (a private place «^N|^dJor<)a^)r 
which served them instead of a little Zoar, t^^hjjkdNii 
from the imminent destruction '. ^^'^^ 

Chap. II. — How Judea uwu dispeopled of Jews by Adria 

the Emperor. 

THREESCORE years after [132], Adrian the empei 
rebuilt the city of Jerusalem, changing the situati 
somewhat westward, and < the name thereof to ^lia. ^ 
despite the Christians, he built a temple ' over our Saviou 
grave, with the images of Jupiter and Venus; another 
Bethlehem, to Adonis her minion : and to enrage the Jev 
did engrave swine over the gates of the city : who, stormii 
at the profanation of their land, brake into open rebellic 
but were subdued by Julius Severus, the emperor's lieui 
nant, an experienced captain, and many thousands sla 
with Bencochab, their counterfeit Messias (for so he term 
himself), that is, the son of a star^ usurping that prophec 
Out of Jacob shall a star arise*; though he proved but 
&ding comet, whose blazing portended the ruin of t^ 
nation. The captives, by order from Adrian, were trar 
ported into Spain ; the country laid waste, which part 
with her people and fruitfulness both together. Indc 
pilgrims to this day here and there light on parcels of ^ 
ground in Palestine; which God may seem to have 1< 

* Euseb. Ecd. Hiat. lib. 5, c. 6. '^-« 

' Hieron. torn. 1, p. 104. * Num. xziv. 17. 

A.D. 132 THE HOLY WAR. 8 

that meo may taste the fonner sweetness of the land* before 

it was soured for the people's sins ; and that they may g^ess 

the goodness of the cloth by the fineness of the shreds. 

But it is barren for the generality : the streams of milk and 

honey, wherewith once it flowed, are now drained dry ; and 

the whole face of the land looketh sad ^, not so much for 

want of dressing, as because God hath frowned on it Ye| 

great was the oversight of Adrian, thus totally to unpeople 

a province, and to bequeath it to foxes and leopards. 

Though his memory was excellent, yet here he forgot the 

^ old Romans* rule, who, to prevent desolations, where they 

Q- rooted out the natives, planted in colonies of their own 

- people. And surely the country recovered not a competency 

■^ of inhabitants for some hundred years after. For though 

^^ many pilgrims came thither in after ages, yet thev came 

rather Id visit than to dwell ; and such as remainea there^ 

l^ most embracing single lives, were no breeders for posterity* 

^ If any say that Adrian did wilfolly neglect this land, and 

^ prostitute it to ruin for the rebellion of the people ; yet all 

account it small policy in him, in punishing tne Jews, to 

hurt his own empire, and by this vastation to leave fair 

ifm and clear footing tor foreign enemies to fasten on this coun-* 

try, and from thence to invade the neighbouring dominions : 

pgf(.as, after, the Persians and Saracens easily oyerran and 

^^dispeopled Palestine ; and no wonder if a thin m^ulow 

r|were quickly mown. But to return to the Jews, such 

^^yjstragglers of them, not considerable in number, as escaped 

\her ^^^ banishment into Spain (for few hands reap so clean as 

[ jg^lo leave no gleanings),*were forbidden to enter into Jerusa^ 

LgiJiJiem, or so much as to behold it from any rise or advantage 

helHof^ ground* Yet they obtained ^ of the after emperors, once 

lieutf y®^ (namely, on the tenth of August, whereon their city 

^jijjlvas taken), to go in and bewail the destruction of their 

^^jQ^iemple and people, bargaining with the soldiers who waited 

nhecip^ ^^™» ^o ^i^® ^ mudi for so long abiding there ; and if 

I but^^^ exceeded the time they conditioned for, they must 

/> ^^' stretch their purses to a higher rate : so that (as St. Hierome 

^^f notetb) they who bought Christ's blood were then glad to 

oart ^y ^^^ ^^^ tears. 

tide, ' — • 

,f tU * Sand. Trar. p. 145. * Uieron. torn. 6, p. 956, 


Chap. III. — Of the praent woful Condition of the Jews; 
and of the small Hope and great Hinderancei of their 

ri^HUS the main body of the Jews was brought into 
X Spain, and yet they stretched their out-limbs into 
every country ; so that it was as hard to find a populous 
city Without a common sink, as without a company of 
Jews. They grew fat on the barest pasture, by usury and 
brokage ; though often squeezed by those Christians amongst 
whom they lived, counting them dogs, and therefore easily 
finding a stick to beat them. And always in any tumult, 
when the fence of order was broken, the Jews lay next 
harms : as at the coronation of Richard the First, when 
the English made great feasts, but the pillaged Jews paid 
the shot. At last, for their many villanies (as falsifying of 
coin, poisoning of springs, crucifying of Christian children) 
they were slain in some places ', and finally banished out 
of others ; out of England, a. d. 1 291 , by Edward the First ; 
France, 1307, by Philip the Fair; Spain, 1492, by Ferdi- 
nand ; Portugal, 1497, by Emmanuel ^. But had these two 
latter kings banished all Jewish blood out of their countries, 
they must have emptied the veins of their best subjects, 
as descended from them. Still they are found in great 
numbers in Turkey, chiefly in Salonichi, where they enjoy 
the freest slavery : and they who in our Saviour's time so 
scorned publicans, are now most employed in that office, to 
be the Turks* toUgatherers^; likewise in the popish parts 
of Germany ; in Poland, the Pantheon of all religions ; and 
Amsterdam may be forfeited to the king of Spain, when 
she cannot show a pattern of this as of all other sects. 
Lastly, they are thick in the pope*s dominions, where they 
are kept as a testimony of the truth of the Scriptures, and 
foil to Christianity, but chiefly in pretence to convert them* 
But his holiness's converting faculty worketh the strongest 
at the greatest distance; for the Indians he tumeth to his 
religion, and these Jews he converteth to his profit. Some 
are of opinion of the general calling of the Jews ; and no 
doubt those who dissent from them in their judgments, con* 
cur in their wishes and desires. Yet are^ there three grand 
hinderanqes of their conversion : first, the offence taken and 
g^ven by the papists among whom they live, by their wor- 

' Munster Cosmogr. p. 467, * Polyd. Virg. p. 327, 

^ Sandys' Trav. p. 146. 

X. 10. 326 THE HOLT WAR. i 

shiping of images, the Jews being zealots in the second 
conimandment : secondly^ 1>ecause on their conversrion they 
ntust renounce all their goods as ill gotten^; and they will 
scarce enter in at the door of ftur churchi when first they 
must climb over so high a threshold: lastlvi they are 
debarred horn the use of the New Testament, the means of 
their salvation. And thus we leave them in a state most 
pitiful, and little pitied. 

Chap. IV. — Of the flourishing Church in Judea under Con^ 
stantine. Julian's Success in building the Temple, 

ADRIAN'S pro&nation of Jerusalem lasted one hundred 
and eighty years, as St. Hierome counteth it ' : durintf 
which time the Christians, under the ten persecutions, had 
scarce a leap-year of peace and quiet, and yet bare all with 
. invincible patience \ yea, some were too ambitious of mar* 
tyrdom, and rather wooed than waited for their own deaths. 
At last, Constantine (a Britain by birth, as all authors 
agree % save one or two late wrangling Grecians, who 
deserve to be arraigned for felony, for robbing our land of 
that due honour) stanched the issue of blood wherewith the 
church had long been troubled, and brought her into 
acquaintance with peace and prosperity [326]. Then 
Helen, his mother (no less famous amongst the Christians 
for her piety, than the ancient Helen amongst Pagans for 
her beauty), travelled to Jerusalem; zeal made her scarce 
sensible of her age, being eighty years old ; and there she 
purged Mount Calvary and Bethlehem of idolatry ; then 
built in the places of Christ's birth and burial, and elsewhere 
in Palestine, many most stately and sumptuous churches. 
And because she visited the stable and manger of our 
Saviour's nativity, Jews and Pagans slander her to have 
been stabularia^, an ostleress, or a she stable groom : the 
same nickname which since impudent papists (not for the 
same reason, but with as little truth) put On reverend 
Cranmer', archbishop of Canterbury. But these dead flies 
were not able to corrupt the sweet ointment of her name, 
fragrant to posterity; and as a father^ writeth of her, Bona 
Btaimlariat qua maluit astimari stercoraria ut Christum 

* P. Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine/p* 570. Sir £d. Sandys' 
Sarvey of the West. 

^ Epist. ad Panlinum, torn. 1, p. 104. 
^ "srMT^ Camden, Brit* p. 51. ^ Ambros. cant, in Theodosioln. 
''* Fox, Martyrol. p. 1860. • Ambrose ibid. 



fl THE HISTORY OF a.d.363 

lucrifaceret. To her is ascribed the finding out of the 
crossy the memory whereof is celebrated the third of May : 
and from that time the church flourished in Palestine, 
being as well provided of* able bishops^ as they of liberal 

363]. Afterwards Julian, going about to confute God, 
befooled himself and many Jews. This apostate studied to 
invent engines to beat down Christianity : yet all the vapoois 
of his brain could not cloud so bright a sun. He gave the 
Jews liberty (not so much out of love to them as hatred to 
Christians), with money and materials, to build again their 
temple, hoping, by raising it, to ruin the truth of Chris's 
prophecy. Hither^ flocked the Jews, with spades and 
mattocks of silver, to clear the foundation; the women 
carried away the rubbish in their laps, and contributed all 
their jewels and ornaments to advance the work« But a 
sudden tempest ^ made them desist, which carried away 
their tools and materials, with balls of fire which scorched 
the most adventurous of the builders. Thus they who 
sought to put out the truth of Christ's words, by snufiing it 
made it bum the brighter. But the wonder of this wonder 
was, that the hearts of the Jews, and of him who setihem 
on work, were hardened by obstinacy to be so miracle-proof 
that all this made no impression on them. Yet afl;erwards* 
the Christians, in the place where Solomon's temple was, 
]built a stately church ; but not in opposition to God, or with 
intent to reestablish Jewish rites, but in humility, and for 
the exercise of Christian religion : which church was long 
after the seat of the patriarch. But for fear to exceed the 
commission of an historian (who with the outward senses 
may only bring in the species^ and barely relate faiCtSy not 
with the common sense pass verdict or censure on them), I 
would say, they had better have built in some other place 
(especially having room enough besides), and left this floor, 
where the temple stood, alone to her desolations. Yea, 
God seemeth not so well contented with this their act, the 
^Christians being often beaten out of that churdi; and at 
this day 9 whosoever (though casually) entereth therein, 
must either forfeit his life or renounce his religion. 
. 1 

'. ^ Ammianas Marcel, lib. S3, sob initio. 

7 Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3, cap. 20. Theodoret, lib. 3, cap. 
20. Sozom. lib. 5, cap. 22. 
. ^ Adncom. Dedcript. Terrs Sancts, p. 158. s 

• Sand. Trav. p. 192. A 



Chap. V. — Syria conquered by Chosroes; ChotroeSj by 
Heraclius the Grecian Emperor^ 

THE next remarkable alteration happened under Phocas 
the emperor, who (saith Tyrius ') had a nature answer* 
ing his name, whioh signifieth a seal, or sea-calf; for as 
that fish (little better than a monster) useth lazily to lie 
sleeping and sunning itself on the shore, so this careless 
usurper minded nothing but his own ease and pleasure, till 
at last he was slain by Heraclius, his successor {610] ; as 
seldom tyrants' corpses have any other balm at their burial 
than their own blood. Phocas's negligence betrayed the 
empire to foreign foes [615], and invited Chosroes, the 
Persian, to invade it, who, with a great army, subdued 
Syria and Jerusalem. A conquest little honourable, as 
made against small resistance, and used with less modera* 
tion ; for, besides many other cruelties, he sold many thou« 
sands of Christians to the Jews, their old enemies^, who, 
in revenge of their former grudge, put them not only to 
drudgery, but to torture. Chosroes, to grace his triumph, 
carried the cross away with him, forced all the Christians in 
Persia to turn Nestorians"^, and demanded of Heraclius, the 
Grecian emperor, that he should renounce his religion, 
and worship the sun^. Thus we see how lightheaded this 
Pagan did talk, being ^ark drunk with pride. But the 
Christian emperor, entering Persia with great forces, quelled 
at last this vaunting Sennacherib ; for to him might he well 
be compared, for pride, cruelty, blasphemous demands, 
and the manner of his death, being also slain by Siroes, one 
of his sons [628]. Heraclius, returning, took Jerusalem in 
his way, and there restored ' the cross (counted a precious 
jewel) to the temple of the sepulchre, the cabinet whence it 
had been violently taken away ; and, in memorial thereof, 
instituted, on the fourteenth of September, the feast of the 
Exaltation of the Cross. Yet^ some make the celebration 
thereof of greater antiquity ; and the Grecians write, that 
Chrysostom (a hundred years before) died on the day called 
the Exaltation of the Cross. This, if it be true, and not 
antedated by a prolepsis, then Heraclius gave the lustre 
(not first original) to this festival, and scoured bright an old 
holy-day with a new solemnity. 

----- — '   .  . —  - 

< Belli Sacri, Kb. 33, cap. SI. * Theophanes in Annnl. 
"^nat Paolus DiaconuB, Miscel. lib. 18. * Cedrenos. 

7i Tyrius, BelUSacr. lib. ;e3, cap* 20. • Baron. Mart. 1 4 Sept. 


Chap. VI,— Of the Deluge of the Saracens in Syria, the 
Causes of the far spreading of Mahometanism» 

BUT the sins of the eastern countries, and chiefly theif 
damnable heresies, hastened God's judgments upon 
them. In these western partSi heresies, like an angle, 
caught single persons; which in Asia, like a drag-net, 
took whole provinces. The staid and settled wits of Europe 
were not easily removed out of the old road and track of 
religion, whilst the active and nimble heads of the east 
Were more desirous of novelties, more cunning to invent 
distinctions to cozen themselves with, more fluent in lan-» 
guage to express their conceits, as always errors grow the 
fastest in hot brains. Hence it came to pass, that MeK 
chites, Maronites, Nestorians, Eutycheans, Jacobites, over-* 
spread these parts, maintaining their pestilent tenets with 
all obstinacy, which is that dead flesh which maketh the 
green wound of an error fester by degrees into the old sore 
of an heresy. Then was it just with God to suffer them^ 
who would not be convinced with Christian counsels, to be 
subdued by the Pagans' sword : for though Chosroes had 
not long a settled government in Palestine, but, as a land 
flood, came and went away quickly, yet the Saracens, who 
shortly followed, as standing water, drowned all for a 
long continuance [636]. These*, under Haumer, Prince 
of Arabia, took Jerusalem, conquered Syria^ and propa<^ 
gated the doctrine of Mahomet round about* 

It may justly seem admirable how that senseless religion 
should gain so much ground on Christianity ; especially 
having neither real substance in her doctrine, nor winning 
behaviour in her ceremonies to allure professors. For what 
is it but the scum of Judaism and Paganism sod together^ 
and here and there strewed over with a spice of Christianity ? 
As Mahomet's tomb, so many sentences in his Alcoran 
seem to hang by some secret loadstone, which draweth 
together their gaping independences with a mystical cohe^* 
rence, or otherwise they are flat nonsense. Yet this wonder 
of the spreading of this leprosy is lessened, if we consider 
that, besides the general causes of the growing of all errors 
(namely, the gangrene-like nature of evil, and the justice of 
God to deliver them over to believe lies who will not obey 
the truth), Mahometanism hath raised itself to this height 
by some peculiar advantages: first, by permitting much 

» Tyrias, Bell. Sacr. lib. 1, p. 2* V.' 

I ; 

; I 

/ ; 

A. D.800 THE HOLY WAR. 9 

earnal liberty to the professors (as havings many wives), and 
no wooder if they get fish enough that use that bait : 
secondly, by promising a paradise of sensual pleasure here* 
after, wherewith flesh and blood is more affected (as falling 
under her experience) than with hope of any spiritual 
delights : thirdly, by prohibiting of disputes, and suppress^ 
ing of all learning ; and thus Mahomet made his shop dark on 
purpose, that he might vent any wares : lastly, this religion 
had never made her own passage so fast and so far, if the 
sword had not cut the way before her, as commonly the 
conquered follow, for the most part, the religion of the 
conquerors. By this means that cursed doctrine hath so 
improved itself, that it may outvie with professors the 
church of Rome, which boasteth so much of her latitude 
and extent; though from thence to infer that her fiiith is the 
best, is falsely to conclude the fineness of the cloth from the 
largeness of the measure. 

Now the condition of the Christians under these Saracens 
was as uncertain as April weather. Sometimes they enjoyed 
the liberty and public exercise of their religion : and to give 
the Mahometans their due, they are generally good fellows 
in this point, and Christians amongst them may keep thei^ 
consciences free, if their tongues be fettered not to oppose 
the doctrine of Mahomet* Sometimes they were under 
fierce and cruel affliction, their bishops and ministers forced 
to fly from their places were kept very poor, as always the 
clergy under persecution count that God gives them living 
enough, when he gives them their lives. Tyrius* men.» 
tioneth one memorable massacre, which they narrowly 
escaped : for a spiteful and malicious Saracen had secretly 
defiled one of their mosques in Jerusalem; which deed 
being imputed to the poor Christians, they were all pre« 
sently dragged to the place of execution to be put to death, 
when behold a young man, a zealous Christian, by an ofii-* 
cious lie (the most lawful of all unlawful things), confessed 
himself alone to be guilty of the fact, and so, being killed 
by exquisite torments, saved the lives of many innocents* 
In memory of which act, the Christians in Jerusalem kept a 
constant solemnity, and once a year triumphantly marched, 
with palms in their hands, into the city, to perpetuate the 
remembrance of this deliverance [800]. The longest vaca<» 
tion from persecution they enjoyed was when Charles ^ was 
Emperor of the West, surnamed the Great; a surname 


7 B; lib. 1, cap. 5. ' Tyriua, lib. 1, cap. 5. 


10 THE HISTORY OF a.d.800 

which he did not steals bat justly win and deserve ; not 
like Pompey, who got the title of the Great, though, as 
Cffisar^ observed, he gained his chief fame for martiiU feats 
by oonquering the weak and cowardly Bithynians. But 
this CharieSy loved of his friends, feared of his foes, sub- 
dued the strong and lusty Lombards : yet did he not Chris- 
tianity more good by his war, than by his peace concluded 
with Aaron, emperor of the Saracens, imderwhom the 
Christians in Palestine obtained many privileges and much 
prosperity; though this weather was too fair to last long. 

Chap. VII. — The Original and Increase of the Turks i 
. their conquering the Saracens^ and taking ^'Jerusalem. 

BUT the Christians in Palestine afterward changed their 
masters, though not their condition, being subdued 
by the Turks. It will be worth our and the reader's pains 
to inquire into the original of this nation, especially because 
(as the river Nilus) they are famous and well luiown for 
their overflowing stream, though hidden and obscure for 
their fountain. Whence they first came, authors only do 
agree in disagreeing: but most probably it is out of 
Scythia, Pomponius Mela' reckoning them among the 
inhabitants of that country nigh the river Tanais. This 
Scythia (since called Tartaria) was a virgin country, never 
forced by foreign arms; for the monarchs who counted 
themselves conquerors of the world (by a large synecdoche 
taking a sixth part for the whole) never subdued it Alex- 
ander sent some troops to assault Naura and Gabaza, two 
out-counties thereof, as an earnest that the rest of his army 
should follow: but hearing how these were welcomed, 
willingly lost his earnest, and disposed of his army other- 
wise. The Roman eagles flew not thus far, and though 
heard of, were never seen here. The reason that made 
the Turks leave their native soil was the barrenness thereof; 
and therefore the poet^ maketh famine (which sometimes 
tiavelleth abroad into other countries) here to have her 
constant habitation. Aiid yet, no doubt, so vast a country 
would maintain her people, if the wildness thereof were 
tamed with husbandry : but the people (scorning that their 
ground should be better civilized than themselves) never 
manure it, and had rather provide their bread with the 
sword than with the plough. Other partial causes might 

!■   ■■II I I I  1 I   I I _— »»^M^»i.^i^ 

^ Saetonios, in Cecflare. 

* Lib. t, cap. ult. ' Ovid. 8 Metam. 

A. D. 1060 



share in these Turks' removal ; bat die cause of causes was 
the justice of God, to suffer this unregarded people to 
grow into the terror of the world for the puniaiment of 
Christians : and we may justly hope, that when the correc- 
tion is done, the rod shall be burnt ; especially finding already 
their force to abate, being at this day stopped with the half 
kingdom of Hungary, who formerly could not be stayed by 
the whole empire of Greece. 

844 J. The first step these Turks took out of their own 
country was into Turcomania^, a northern part of Armenia, 
conquered and so called by Uiera ; where they lived like 
the Scythian nomades, always wandering, yet always in 
their way, none claiming a propriety in the land as his, all 
defending the common interest therein as theirs. 

The next step was into Persia, whither they were called 
to assist Mahomet, the Saracen sultan, against his enemies ; 
where taking notice t>f their own strength, the Saracens' 
cowardice, and the pleasure of Persia, they, under Ttogro- 
Hpix their first king, overcame that large dominion^ [1030], 
Then did the Turks take upon them the Mahometan religion, 
and, having conquered the Saracens by their valour, were 
themselves subdued by the Saracen superstition : an acci- 
dent more memorable, because not easily to be paralleled 
(eiceptingKing Amaziah^, who having taken £dom was 
took with the idolatry thereof), because conquerors com- 
monly bring their religion into the places they subdue, and 
not take it Uiaice. 

Their third large stride was into Babylon, the caliph 
whereof they overcame. And shortly after, under Cutlu* 
muses their second king, they won Mesopotamia, the greatest 
part oi Syria, and the city of Jerusalem^ [1060] . Meantime 
whilst these vultures (Turks and Saracens) pecked out each 
other's eyes, the Christians (if they had husbanded this 
occasion), might much have advantaged themselves, and 
might have recovered their health by these contrary poisons 
spelling each other. But the Grecian emperors, given 
over to pleasure and covetousness, regarded not their owil 
good, till at last the Turks devoured them,; as (God will- 
ing) shall be showed hereafter. As for thode Christians who 
lived in Palestine under the Turks, they had no lease of their 
safety, but were tenants at will for their lives and goods to 
these tyrants: though it rained not downright, yet iSne storm 

.raaoaft^ii. Enn. 9, lib. f . 
7 Bara^ron. xxv. 14. 

*• Koolles, Tar. Hist. p. 4.. 
* Tyrins, Kb. 1, cap. 7j 

12 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1094 

of persecution hung over their heads ; their minds inrere 
ever in torture^ being on the rack of continual fear and 
suspense; and Simon himself was no better than an honour** 
able slave, though patriarch of Jerusalem^ as appeareth by 
his letters of co mplaint ^ • 

Chap. VIII, — The Character of Peter the Hermit. His 
soliciting the Holy War* The Council at Clermont, and 
the Success thereof^ 

IT happened there came a pilgrim to Jerusalem called 
Peter, a hermit, born at Amiens, in France, one of a 
contemptibly person; his silly looks carried in them a 
despair of any iVorth, and yet (as commonly the richest 
mines lie under the basest and barrenest surface of ground) 
he had a quick apprehension, eloquent tongue, and, what 
got him the greatest repute, was accounted very religious. 
With him Simon, the patriarch of Jerusalem, often treated, 
concerning the present miseries of the Christians-under the 
Turks ; what hope of amendment ; and how the matter 
might secretly be contrived, that the princes in Europe 
might assist and relieve them. Peter, moved with the 
patriarch's persuasions, the equity and honourableness of 
the cause, and chiefly with a vision (as they say) from 
heaven ' (wherein our Saviour himself appointed him his 
legate, with a commission to negotiate the Christian cause)) 
took the whole business upon him [1094], and travelled to 
Rome, to consult with Pope Urban the Second about the 
advancing of so pious a design. 

Now,^ though many cry up this hermit to have been so 
precious a piece of holiness, yet some^ suspect him to be 
little better than a counterfeit, and a cloak^father for a plot 
of the pope's begetting ; because the pope alone was the 
gainer by this great adventure, and all other princes of 
Europe, if they cast up their audit, shall find themselves 
losers : this with some is a presumption that this cunning mer- 
chant first secretly employed this hermit to be his factor, and 
to go to Jerusalem to set on foot so beneficial a trade for the 
Romish church. As for the apparition of our Saviour, one 
may wonder that the world should see most visions when it 
was most blind ; and that that age, most barren in learning, 
should be most fruitful in revelations* And surely had 

7 Knollesi Tur» Hist. p. 13* ' Tyrius, lib. 1. cap. 12. 

* Ursperg. Cbron, p. 337» Quern tamen postea mul ') i 
critam faisse dicebaat* u \ 

A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. • 13 

Peter been truly inspired by God, and moved by hia Spirit 
to begin this war, he would not have apostated from his 
purpose ; so mortified a man would not nave feared death 
in a good cause, as he did afterwards, and basely lan a¥ray 
at Antioch^r For when the siege grew hot^ his devotion 
grew cold ; he found a difference betwixt a voluntary fast 
in his cell, and a necessary and indispensable femine in a 
camp^; • so that being well hunger-pinched, this cunning 
companion, who was the trumpet to sound a march to others, 
secretly sounded a retreat to himself, ran away from the 
rest of the Christians, and was shamefully brought back 
again for a fugitive^. 

But to return to PopQ Urban, who was zealous in the 
cause to further it, and called a council at Clermont, in 
France [1095], where met many princes and prelates, to 
whom be made a long oration^. Authors difier in the 
mould, but they agree in the metal, that it was to this 
effect ;-^First, he bemoaned the miseries of the Christians 
in Asia, and the vastation of those holy places. Jerasalem, 
which was once the joy of the whole earth, was now become 
the grief of all good men« The chapel of Christ's concept 
tion, at Nazareth; birth, at Bethlehem; burial, on Mount 
Calvary; ascension, on Mount Olivet; once the fountains of 

Siety, were now become the sinks of all profaneqess. Next, 
e encouraged the princes in the council to take arms against 
those infidels, and^ to break their bonds in sunder, and to 
cast their cords far from them, and (as it is written) to cast 
out the handmaid and her children. Otherwise, if they 
would not help to quench their neighbours' houses, they 
roust expect the speedy burning of their own, and that these 
barbarous nations would quickly overrun all Europe. Now 
io set an edge on their courage, he promised to all that 
went this voyage a full remission of their sins and penance 
here, and the enjoying heaven hereafter. Lastly, thus con-* 
eluded^ ^-r-^* Gird your swords to your thighs, O ye men 
of might. It is our parts to pray, yours to fight ; ours with 
Moses to hold up unwearied hands to God, yours to stretch 
forth the sword against thescT children of Amalek. Amen.'* 

^ Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 3, £ol. 357. £t .^inilius, Digests Franc. 
p« 123, in Philippe I. 

^ Ut desertor signoram, fratram commilitonamque proditor. 

^ SabelL Ean. 9, Ub. 3. Tyrias, lib. 1, cap. 15. Baron, 
anno 1095^' W. Malmsb. lib. 4, cap. 1. All have fieveral set 
^radons. * Baronius, in anno 1095, col. 688. 

7 Baronius, in anno 1096, coU 691. 

14 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1096 

It is above belief with what eheerfalne38 this motion, 
meeting with an active and religious world, was generally 
entertained ; so that the whole assembly cried out^, ^ God 
willeth it :" a speech which was afterwards used as a fortu* 
oate watchword in their most dangerous designs. Then 
took many of them a cross of red cloth on their right shoul- 
der, as a badge of their devotion ; and to gain the lavour* 
able assistance of the Virgin Mary to make this v^ar the 
more happy, her office' was instituted, containing certain 

Erayers, which at canonical hours were to be made unto 
er. If £une, which hath told many a lie of others, be not 
herein belied herself, the things concluded in this council 
were the same night reported at impossible distance in the 
utmost parts of Christendom. What spiritual intelligencers 
there should be, or what echoes in the hollow arch of this 
world should so quickly resound news firom the one side 
thereof to the other, belongeth not to us to dispute. Yet 
we find the overthrow ■^ of Perseus brought out of Macedon 
to Rome in four days ; and fame (mounted no doubt on 
some Pegasus), in Domitian*s time, brought a report two 
thousand five hundred miles in one day. 

Chap. IX. — Arguments for the Lawfulness of the Holy War, 

IT is stiffly canvassed betwixt learned men, whether this 
war was lawful or not. The reasons for die affirmative 
are fetched either firom piety or policy ; and of the former 
sort are these. 

1. All the- earth is God*s land let out to tenants; but 
Judea was properly his demesnes, which he kept long in his 
own hands for himself and his children. Now though the 
infidels had since violently usurped it, yet no prescription of 
time could prejudice the title of the Ring of Heaven, but 
that now the Christians might be God's champions to re* 
cover his interest. 

2. Religion bindeth men to relieve their brethren in dis* 
tress, especially when they implore their help, as now the 
Christians in Syria did ' ; whose entreaties in this case 
sounded commands in the ears of such as were piously dis- 

3* The Turks, by their blasphemies and reproaches 
against God and our Saviour, had disinherited and divested 

 ■■■'   . I ... I 1 1 II  I » . 

B S&bell. Edd. 9, lib, 3,. page 354. 

> Baronius, torn. 11, p. 692. ** Livius, lib. 4^ 

^ Tyrius, lib. 1, cap. 11. 

A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR. 15 

tbtmselves of all their right to their lands; and the Chris- 
tiaosy as the next undoubted heits, might seize on the for« 

4. This war would advance and increase the patrimooy 
of religion, by propagating the gospel, and c6nyerting of 
inBdels. If any object that religion is not to be beaten into 
men with the dint of sword ; yet it may be lawful to open 
the way by force, for instruction^ catechising, and such 
other gentle means to follow after. 

5. The beholding of those sacred places in Palestine 
would much heighten the adventurers' devotion, and make 
the most frozen heart to melt into pious meditations. 

6. This enterprise^ was forthered by the persuasions of 
sundiy godly men, St. Bernard and others. Now though a 
lying spirit may delude the prophets of Ahab, yet none 
will be so uncharitable as to think God would suffer his 
own Micaiah to be deceived. 

6. God 3 set his hand to this vrar, and approved it by 
many miracles which he wrought in this expedition, and 
whidi are so confidently and generally reported by credits 
worthy writers, that he himself is a miracle that will not be^ 
lieve them. 

Neither want there arguments derived from policy. 

1. Palestine was a parcel of the Roman empire, though 
since won by the Saracens; and though the £mperor of 
Constantinople could not recover his right, yet did he al« 
ways continue his claim, and now (as app^uned^ by his 
letters read in the Placentine council) Alexius requested 
these princes oi the west to assist him in the recovery 
thereof. . 

2. A preventive war, grounded on a just fear of an in* 
vasion, is lawful ; but such was this holy war. And be- 
cause most stress is laid on this argument, as the main 
supporter of the cause, we will examine and prove the parts 

Though umbrages and light jealousies, created by cow« 
ardly £^cies, be too narrow to build a &ir quarrel oui 
yet the lawfulness of a preventive war, founded on just fear, 
is warranted by reason and the practice of all wise nations. 
In such a case, it is folly to do as country fellows in a fence 
school, never ward a blow till it be past ; but it is best to be 
beforehand %/ith the enemy, lest the medicine come too late 

"i- «Mntt^^b, 3, de Rom. Pont. cap. 17* > I^lMdem.. 
'' * HierOtom. 11, p. 687. 


16 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1095 

for the maladv* lo such dangers to play an after gameiis 
rather a shift than a policy, especially seeing war is a tragedy' 
which always destroyeth the sts^ whereon it is acted. It 
is the most advised way not to wait for the enemy^ but to 
seek him oUt in his own country. 

Now, that the Mahometans (under whom the Turks and 
Saracens are comprehended, differing in nation, agreeing ia 
religion and spite against Christians) were now justly to be 
feared, cannot be denied. So vast was the appetite of their 
sword, that it had already devoured Asia, and now reserved 
Grecia for the second course. The Bosporus was too narrow 
a ditch, and the empire of Grecia too low a hedge, to fence 
the Pagans out of West Christendom ; yea, the Saracens 
had lately wasted Italy ', pillaged and burned many 
churches near Rome itself, conquered Spain, inroaded 
Aquitain, and possessed some islands in the midland-sea. 
The case, therefore, standing thus, this holy war was both 
lawful and necessary ; which like unto a sharp pike in the 
boss of a buckler, though it had a mixture of o£fending«yet 
it was chiefly of a defensive nature, to which all preventive 
wars are justly reduced. 

Lastly, this war would be the sewer of Christendom, and 
drain all discords out of it. For active men, like millstones 
in motion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire 
one on another. Europe at this time surfeited with people, 
and many of them were of stirring natures, who counted 
themselves undone when they were out of doing, and there* 
fore they employed themselves in mutual jars and content 
tions; but now this holy war will make up all bi*,eaches, and 
unite all their forces against the common foe, of Chris-* 
tianity. , 

Chap. X. — Reasons against the Hob/ Wtur, 

YET all these reasons prevail not so forcibly , but that 
many are of the contrary opinion*, and ^ount this 
war both needless and unlawful, induced then>unto with 
these or the like arguments. y 

J. When the Jews were no longer God's p^ple, Judea 
was no longer God's land by any peculiar approbation; 
but on the other side, God stamped on that fountry an in* 

» Sabell. Ean, 9, lib. 3, p. 354. 

* Job. Cammanus, D6 Jure Majest. Thes. 9S f^.t Albert 
Aqu. Chro. Hieros. lib, 4, cap. 28. Et ReinUih. 45r ^' ^^ 
Hist. Orient. 

A. D. 1095 THE HOLY WAIL 17 

delible character of desolation, and so scorched it with his 
anger that it will never change colour, though Christians 
should wash it with their blood. It is labour in vain, there- 
fore, for any to endeavour to reestablish a flourishing king- 
dom in a blasted country; and let none ever look to reap 
any harvest who sow that land which God will have to lie 

2. Grant the Turks were no better than dogs, yet were 
they to be let alone in their own kennel. They and the 
Saracens, their predecessors, had now enjoyed Palestine 
four hundred ana sixty years : prescription long enough to 
solder the most cracked title, and not only to corroborate 
but to create a right. Yea, God himself may seem herein 
to allow their title, by suffering them so long peaceably to 
enjoy it. 

3. To visit those places in Jerusalem (the theatre of so 
many mysteries and miracles) was as useless as difficult, 
and might be superstitious if any went (as it is to be feared 
too many did) with placing transcendent holiness in that 
place, and with a wooden devotion to the material cross. 
The angel ^ sent the women away from looking into the 
sepulchre with He is riten, he is not here ; and thereby did 
ddiort them and us from burying our affections in Christ's 
grave, but rather to seek him where he was to be found. 
At this day a gracious heart maketh every place a Jerusa- 
lem, where God may as well and as acceptably be wor- 
shiped. St. Hilarion^, though he lived in Palestine, saw 
Jerusalem but once, and then only because he might not 
seem to neglect the holy places for their nearness and vici- 
nity. And St. Ilierom (though himself lived at Bethlehem) 
dissuaded Paulinus front coming thither, for the pains would 
be above the profit. 

4. Lastly, this war was a quicksand to swallow treasure, 
and of a hot digestion to devour valiant men ; no good, 
much evil, came thereby : and the Christians that went out 
to seek an enemy in Asia, brought one thence, to the dang;er 
of all Europe, and the loss of a fair part thereof. For 

^— — Careat successibus opto^ 
Quisguis ab eventu facta notanda puiat : 

— — — may he never speed, 
. Who from the issue censures of the deed : 

^ I- « Mntt. xxviii. 6. 

7 * Hieroa. torn. 1, p. 103, in Episu ad PauliDum. 



18 THE HISTORY OF a.i>. 1095 

and though an argument fetched from the stracejto is bot a 
cipher in itaelf, yet it increaseth a number when joined 
with others. 

These reasons have moved the most moderate^ and re- 
fined papists, and all protestants generally, in their judg- 
ments to fight against this holy war. But as for the opinion 
of Bibliander (who therein stands without company) if Bel- 
larraine hath truly reported it^, it is as far from reason as 
charity; namely, that these Christians that went to fight 
against the Saracens were the very army of Gog. and Ma- 
gog spoken of by the prophet Ezekiel ^. Yet must we not 
here forget, that such as at this time went to Jerusalem 
(whether ridiculously or blasphemously, or both, let others 
judge) did carry a goose before them^, pretending it to be 
the Holy Ghost. 

Chap. XI. — The private Ends and Profits of the Pope^ which 
he is charged by Authors to have had in this Holy War, 

IT is enough with some to make it suspicious that there 
were some sinister ends in this war, because Gregory 
the Seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand (and by Luther 
Larva diaboU *), the worst of all that sat in that chair, first 
began it; but death preventing him, Urban the Second 
(whom Cardinal Benno called Turban ^, for troubling the 
whole world) effected it. And though the pretences were 
pious and plausible, yet no doubt the thoughts of his holi- 
ness began where other men*s ended, and he had a privy 
project beyond the public design : 

First, to reduce the Grecians into subjection to himself 3, 
with their three patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Con- 
stantinople; and to make the eastern church a chapel of ease 
to the mother church of Rome. 

Secondly, this war was the pope's house of correction, 
whither he sent his sturdy and stubborn enemies to be 
tamed. Such high-spirited men whom he either feared or 
suspected, he condemned to this employment, as to an 
honourable banishment ; and as Saul being afraid of David 
sent him to fight against the Philistines, that so he might 
fall by their sword ; so the pope had this cleanly and un- 

* Vide Besoldam, De Regibus Hieros. p. 99, et sequeotibus. 

* I jb. 3, De Rom. Pen. cap. 17. • Ezek. xxxvii:' 
7 Aventinus, lib. 5, Annal. > In his Chronology. 
^ Balieus, in Rom. Poot. in Urban. 3. 
' Mat. Dress. De Bello Sacr. cited by Lampadius Melli^ 

histor. part 3, p. ^66,' 


■^ J 

A* D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR, 19 

suspected conveyance to rid away those he hated ^^ by send- 
ing them against infidels. This appeared most plainly in 
the matter of the emperor himself, whom he sent from home, 
that so he might rob his house in his absence. At the be- 
ginning of this war the pope's temporal power in Italy was 
very slender, because the emperor's dominions did gird him 
close and hard on all sides ; but soon after he grew within 
short time without all measure, and did lurch a castle here, 
gain a city there, from the emperor, while he was employed 
in Palestine*; so that by the time that the Christians had 
lost all in Syria, the emperor has lost all in Italy ; his domi- 
nions there being either swallowed up by Peter's patrimony, 
or by private princes and upstart free states, which as so 
many splinters flew out of the broken empire. 

Thiraly, hereby the pope determined on his side the gain- 
fullest controversy that ever was in Christendom. This was 
about the investiture of bishops, whether the right lay in the 
pope or in secular princes. Now his holiness diverted this 
question out of princes' heads by opening an issue another 
way, and gave vent to the activity of their spirits in this 
martial employment, and in the mean time quietly went 
away without any corrival, concluding the controversy for 
his own profit. 

Lastly, he got a mass of money by it. He had the office 

to bear the bag, and what was put into it, as contributed 

to this action from pious people, and expended but some 

few drops of the showers he received. Guess the rest of his 

griping tricks from this one which Matth. Paris reporteth *. 

First, he prompted many people in England unfit for arms 

to take upon them to vow to go to the holy war, and this 

was done by the exhortation and preaching of the friars. 

This done, be compelled and forced those votaries (whose 

purses were more useful for this service than their persons) 

to pommute their journey into money, the payment whereof 

should be as meritorious as their pilgrimage. And thus 

scraped he a mass of coin from such silly people as thought 

themselves cleansed of their sins when they were wiped of 

their money, and who, having made themselves slaves to the 

pope by their rash vow, were glad to buy their liberty at his 


  ■! II I ■■■! IM-IB   ,-■-_,, ^^m^mmm i   —  ■-      ^^^^>^^^.^^.l^.^■^ 

* See Daniel, in Henry the Third, p. 141. 
' Hist. ADgl. pp. 702 et 703, Diversis musripulis simplicem 
1 ~n populom aabstanti^ aiak moliebatur Romana curia privare, 
\' 'hil petens nisi aomm et argentum. 

20 THE HISTORY OF a. o, 1095 

As the pope, so roost of the clergy improved their estates 
by this war ; for the secular princes who went this yoyage 
sold or mortgaged most of their means (selling for gold to 
purchase with steel and iron), and the clergy were generally 
their chapmen. For they advised these undertakers, seeing 
this action was for Christ and his church, rather to make 
over their estates to spiritual men, of whom they miglit 
again redeem the same, and from whom they should be sure 
to find the fairest dealing, than to laymen. Godfrey, duke 
of Bouillon^, sold that dukedom to the bishop of Liege; 
and the castle of Sartensy and Monsa, to the bishop of 
Verdun. Baldwin, his .brother, sold him the city of Ver- 
dun. Yea, by these sales the third part^ of the best feoffs 
in France came to be possessed by the clergy, who made 
good bargains for themselves, and had the conscience to 
buy earth cheap, and to sell heaven dear. Yea, this voyage 
laid the foundation of their temporal greatness, till at last 
the daughter devoured the mother, and wealth impaired 

Chap. XII. — The Qtiality and Condition of those People 

who undertook the War, 

IT is not to be expected that all should be fish which is 
caught in a drag-net, neither that all should be good 
and religious people who were adventurers in an action of 
so large a capacity as this war was. We must in charity 
allow, that many of them were truly zealous and went with 
pious intents. These were like to those of whom Bellar- 
mine speaketh, who had no huh praternimiam sanctitatem^ 
too much sanctity, which a learned man ' interpreteth too 
much superstition. But besides these well-meaning people, 
there went also a rabble-rout, rather for company than con- 
science. Debtors * took this voyage on them as an acquit- 
tance from their debts, to the defrauding of their creditors ; 
servants counted the conditions of their service cancelled by 
it, going away against their masters* will ; thieves and mur- 
derers took upon them the cross, to escape the gallows ; adul- 
terers did penance in their armour. A lamentable case that 
the devil's black guard should be God's soldiers I And no 
wonder if the success was as bad as some of the adven- 

^ ^miliua, De Gest. Fran. p. 109. 
7 Daniel, in Henry the First, p. 49. ,,^ ^-^ 

» Whitaker, De Eccl. Contro. 2. cap. 11. V 

' Albert, Aqain. Cbron. HieroMl. lib. 1, cap. 2. 

A.D. 1095 THE HOLY WAR, 71 

turers, especially seeing they retained their old conditions 
under a new climate. ^Axid (as if this voyage bad been like 
to repentance, never too soon nor too late for any to begin) 
not only green striplings unripe for war, but also decayed 
men to whom age had given a writ of ease, became sol- 
diers ; and those who at home should have waited on their 
own graves, went far to visit Christ's sepulchre. And which 
was more, women (as if they would make the tale of the 
Amazons trath) went with weapons in men*s clothes; a 
behaviour at the best immodest, and modesty being the 
case of chastity, it is to be feared that where the case is 
broken, the jewel is lost. This enterprise was also the 
mother of much nonresidence ; many prelates and friars 
(fitter to handle a penknife than a sword) left their con- 
vents and pastoral charges to follow this business. The 
total sum of those pilgrim soldiers amounted to three hun- 
dred thousand, and some writers^ do double that number. 
No doubt the Christians' army had been greater if it had 
been less, for the bellv was too big for the head ; and the 
medley of nations did rather burden than strengthen it. 
Besides, the army was like a cloth of many colours, and 
more seams; which seams, though they were curiously 
drawn up for the present, yet after long weariog began to 
be. seen, and at last brake out into open rents. 

Chap. XIIL— X%c Adventurers sorted according to their 

several Nations. 

THE French, Dutch, Italian, and English were the four 
elemental nations whereof this army was compounded : 
of these the French were predominant ; they were the cape 
merchants in this adventure. That nimble nation first 
apprehended the project, and eagerly prosecuted it. As 
their language wanteth one proper word to express stand, 
so their natures mislike a settled, fixed posture, and delight 
in motion and agitation of business ; yea, France (as being 
then, best at leisure) contributed more soldiers to this war 
than all Christendom besides. The signal men were — 
Hugh, sumamed le Grand, brother to the king of France ; 
Godfrey^ duke of Bouillon ; Baldwin, and Eustace, his 
younger brother ; Stephen, earl of Blois, father to Stephen^ 
afterwards king of England; Reimund, earl of Toulouse; 
Robert, earl of Flanders ; Hugh, earl of St. Paul ; Bald- 

* Tyrias, lib. 1, cap. 16. ^ Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133. 

22 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1095 

win de Burge, with many more; besides of the clergy, 
Aimar, bishop of Pui and legate to the pope ; and William, 
bishop of Orange. 

Germany is slandered to have sent none to this war at this 
first voyage ; and that other pilgrims, passing through that 
country, were mocked by the Dutch, and called fools for 
their pains '. It is true, the German adventurers in number 
answered not the largeness and populdusness of their coun- 
try ; for Henry, the emperor (a prince whom the pope long 
hacked at, and hewed him off at last), being desirous to 
go this voyage % was tied up at home with civil discords. 
Yet we find a competency of soldiers of that nation, besides 
those under Godescalcus a priest, £mmicho the Rhene« 
grave, and Count Herman, their leaders. But though Ger* 
many was backward at tlie first, yet afterwards it proved 
the main Atlas of the war; that nation, like a heayy bell, 
was long a raising, but being got up made a loud sound. 

Italy sent few out of her heart and middle provinces 
nigh Rome. The pope was loath to adventure his darlings 
into danger; those white boys were to stay at home with 
his holiness their tender father: wherefore he dispensed 
with them for going 3, as knowing how to use their help 
nearer, and to greater profit. Peter's patrimony must as 
well be looked to, as Christ's sepulchre. But though the 
pope would spend none of his own fuel, he burnt the best 
stakes of the emperor's hedge, and fiirthered the imperial 
party to consume itself in this tedious war. Out of the 
furthermost parts of Italy, Boemund^ prince of Tarentum, 
and Tancred, his nephew (both of the Norman seed, though 
growing on the Apulian soil), led an army of twelve thou- 
sand men ; and Lombardy was also very liberal of her sol- 
diers towards this expedition. 

England '^ (the pope's packhorse in that age, which seldom 
rested in the stable when there was any work to be done) 
sent many brave men under Robert, duke of Normandy, 
brother to William Rufiis; as Beauchamp, and others whose 
names are lost. Neither surely did the Irishmen's feet stick 
in their bogs, though we find no particular mention of theii^ 

Spain had other use for her swords against the Saracens 

* Centurist. ex Uraperg. cent 11, col. 416. 
' PantaleoD, De viris Ger. part 2, p. 139. 

' Daniel, in Will, the Second, p. 4P9. 

* Daniel, ut prius. 

A.D 1095 THE HOLT WAR. 23 

at home, and therefore sent none of her men abroad. As 
one saitb ', the Spaniards did follow their own holy war, 
a work more necessary, and no less honourable. Thus they 
acted the same part, though not on the same stage, with 
our pilgrims, as being also employed in fight against the 

Poland had the same excuse for not much appearing 
clean through this war; because she lieth bordering on the 
Tartars in her appendant country of Lithuania, and therefore 
was busied in making good her firontiers. Besides, no won- 
der if Prussia, Lithuania, and Livonia were not up in this 
service, foe it was scarce break of day with them, and th6 
sun of the gospel was newly (if at all) risen in those parts. 
Yea, Poland was so &r from sending men hither, that she' 
fetched them from hence ^, and afterwards implored the aid 
pf the Teutonic order, who came out of Palestine to assist 
her against her enemies. 

Hungary might bring filling-stones to this building, but 
few foundation or comer-stones, and at this time had no 
commander of note in this action. 

Scotland also presented us not with any remarkable piece 
of service which her men performed in all this war. It was 
not want of devotion, which was hot enough in that cold 
country ; rather we may impute it to want of shipping, that 
country being little powerful at sea, or (which is most pro- 
bable) the actions of this nation are hidden, as wrapped up 
in the bundle with some others ; I should guess under the 
French, but the intimacy of those two people is of a far 
later date. 

Denmark and Norway, near acquainted with the Arctic 
pole, though thev lagged the last (and may therein be ex- 
cused because of the length of the way), were sharers in the 
honour of this employment, and performed good sea- 

Sweden either acted not at all, or else had a very short 
part in this business. That country being a separatist, be- 
cause of her remote situation, had little communion with 
other parts of Europe. And indeed histories are mute of 
Sweden, but that of late Gustavus's victory hath put a tongue 
into them, and hatb made that country famous to all pos- 

* Emilias, tie Gest. Fran. p. 109. 

* MuDsiur, Cosmogr. 

24 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1096 

Chap. XIV.— TAe sad Beginmng of the War. 

THEIR first setting forth [March 8, 1096] was checked 
with bad success. For Walter Sensaver, a nobleman 
(but what countryman it is unknown), who * had more of 
the sail of valour than ballast of judgment, led forth an ill- 
grown and unproportioned army, with many thousand foot, 
and eight horsemen only^. But we must not think that 
this fowl should fly far, whose wings were so short, and 
train so long. His men were routed and slain by the Bul- 
garians, and he himself, through many miseries, scarce re- 
covered Constantinople. Peter the Hermit 3, with his army, 
went further to meet his own destruction. For after many 
difficulties, having crossed the Bosporus, they came into 
Asia, and there found some cities forsaken by the Turks, 
their inhabitants. This they imputed to their enemies' fear, 
which proceeded from; their policy ; and, therefore, being 
more greedy to pillage than careful to fortify the places, they 
took, hunted after preys so long, till they became one them- 
selves [July]. Hugh, brother to the king of France, 
with his surname of the Great, had as little success as the 
former ; his army being quickly abridged by the furious 
Bulgarians in their passage, and he brought prisoner ta 
Constantinople^. Besides these, one Gotescalcus, a priest, 
a wolf in sheep's clothing, and £mmicho, a tyrant prince 
near the Rhine, led forth a rout of wicked people, who car- 
ried the badge of the cross, and served the devil under 
Christ's livery, killing and pillaging the poor Jews and 
other people in Germany as they went'. This made Colo- 
man, king of Hungary, not only deny them passage through 
his country (and no wonder if he was loath to lodge those 
guests who were likely to rob their host), but also put most 
of them to the sword. Some suspected these beginnings to 
be but the bad breakfast to a worse dinner ; and therefoire, 
abandoning their resolutions, returned home : others, little 
moved hereat, conceived these first defeats to be but the 
clarifying of the Christian army from the dregs of base and 
ruder people. 

» Malmesb. 1. 4, p. 133. 

^ CalvisiuS) p. 893, in anno 1096. 

* i£miliu8, De Gest. Fran. p. 111. * Malmesb. 1. 4, p. 13S. 

* Urspergens. pp. 227 et 228. 

AD. 1096 THE HOLY WAR.^ 25 


Chap. XV. — The PUgrifM* Arrival at ComtantinopUy £n/er- 

tainmenty and Departure^ 

BUT now (to speak in my author's phrase '), the chaff 
being winnowed with this fan out of Grod*8 floor, the 
good grain began to appear. Godfrey, duke of Bouillon, 
set forth, and marched through Hungary [Aug. 15] with an 
army of civil and well-conditioned soldiers ; so also did 
Boemund, Reimund, and Robert the Norman, whose 
setting forth bear divers dates; and they embraced several 
courses through sundry countries; but the first rendezvous 
where all met was at Constantinople. 

Dec. 23.] This was no pleasant prospect to Alexius, the 
Grecian emperor, to see the sea full of ships, the shore of 
soldiers. He had gotten the empire by bad practices (by 
deposing and cloistering Nicephorus, his predecessor), and 
an ill conscience needeth no enemy but itself; for now he 
aflnghteth himself with the fancy that these pilgrims were 
so many pioneers come to undermine him. Yea, heseiemeth 
to have entailed his jealousies on all his successors, who 
never cordially affected this war, but suspected that these 
western Christians made but a false blow at Jerusalem, and 
meant to hit Constantinople. . But though he had a storm 
in his heart, yet he made all fiaiir weather in his face ; and 
finding these his guests so strong that they could command 
their own welcome, he entertained them rather for fear than 
love. At last it was covenanted betwixt them^, that what 
countries or cities soever (Jerusalem alone excepted) once 
belonging to this Grecian empire should be recovered by 
these Latins, should all be restored to Alexius; in lieu 
whereof he was to furnish them with armour, shipping, and 
all other warlike necessaries. Thus might that emperor' 
have much improved his estate by these adventures; but 
he'(like those who cannot see their own good for too stead- 
fast looking on it), by his over carefulness and causeless 
suspicion, deprived himself of this benefit, and implunged 
himself in much just hatred for his unjust dealing and 
treachery. Polybius, though a Grecian himself, yet thus 
painteth out his countrymen amongst the Greeks^: — '^ If 
one should lend a talent, though he should have for it ten 

* Urspergens. p. 333. * M. Paris, p. 38. 
^ iEmiiius, De Gest. Fran. p. 113. 

* Lib. 6. Vide Erasmum iu Adagio. Graca fides. 

26 THE HISTORY OF a.d.109G 

bonds, ten seals, and twice as many witnesses, yet the 
bprrower wiU fiot keep his credit/' It seems Alexius was 
one of this same faith, who, though so solemnly engaged on 
his honour to perform this agreement so advantageous to 
himself, most unprincelike brake his word, and molested 
these pilgrims afterwards. 

Som^ question the discretion of these princes in this 
agreement', to bargain to purchase Alexius's profit with 
their blood, and conceive that they much undervalued them- 
selves in swearing homage unto him ; which only Robert, 
earl of Flanders^ (remembering that he vras free bom and 
bred), refused to do. Yet they may herein be partly ex-* 
cused, for they apprehended it of absolute necessity to gain 
this emperor's iavour^ on what price soever, because his 
country was the highway through which they must pass. 
Besides, their zeal to be at their journey's end made them 
insensible of any future disadvantages, so be it they might 
have but present expedition to the place they were bound 
for. And we may also think that Alexius's liberal gifts had 
great efficacy in this matter, to win these princes to his own 

Chap. XVI. — The E$tate of Asia, Sieee and Taking of 
Nice, Turks overthrown in nattle, 

AT our last mentioning of the Turks and their victories, 
we left them possessed of Jerusalem and the greater 
part of Syria : but since they have thrived better, and won 
the lesser Asia from the Grecian emperor. Indeed, those 
emperors with their own hands lifted up the Turks into their 
throne, and caused them thus speedily to conquer. For 
giving themselves over to pleasure, they gave little counte-r 
nance, and less maintenance, to men of service and action; 
whereby the martial sparks in noble spirits were quenched ; 
and no wonder if virtue did wither where it was not 
watered with reward. Secondly, out of covetousness the 
emperors unftimished their frontiers of garrisons, and laid 
them open to invasions; a notorious solecism in policy.: 
for if doors in private houses are to be locked, much more 
frontiers in kingdoms. Neither did it a little advantage the 
Turks' proceedings that the Grecian empire fell to Eudoxia, 
a woman, and her children in minority, too weak pilots to 
steer so great a state in the tempest of war. And though 
after other changes it fell to Alexius, one whose personal 
abilities were not to be excepted against, yet he being to- 

* M. Paris, p. 38. < Malmesb. 137. 

i.D.1097 THE HOLY WAR. 27 

tally busied at home, to maintain his title against home-bred 
foes, had no leisure to make any effectual resistance against 
foreign enemies. Nor did the death of Cutlen-Muses, 
their king, any whit prejudice the Turkish proceedings; 
for Solyman, his son, succeeded him, a prince no less 
famous for his clemency than his conquests ; as victory, to 
generous minds, is only an inducement to moderation. In 
this case, under the tyranny of the Turks stood Asia the 
Less; and though there were many Christians in every 
city, yet these being disarmed, had no other weapons than 
those of the primitive church, tears and prayers. 

But now these western pilgrims, arriving there, besiege 
the city of Nice with an army as glorious as ever the sun 
beheld [May 14, 1097]. This city was equally beholden 
to nature and art for her strength, and was formerly 
&mous for the first general council, called there by Con- 
stantine against Arius, wherein were assembled three 
hundred and eighteen bishops. The pilgrims. had a Lom* 
bard for their engineer ; the neighbouring wood afforded 
them materials, whereof they mslde many warlike instni* 
ments, and hoped speedily to conquer the city. But 
breathed deer are not so quickly caught. The Turks within, 
being experienced soldiers, defeated their enterprises. And 
here one might have seen art promising herself the victory, 
and suddenly meeting with counterart, which mastered her. 
The lake Ascanius, whereon the city stood, having an out* 
let into the sea, much advantaged the besieged, whereby 
they fetched victuals from the country, till at last that pas- 
sage was locked up by the Grecian fleet. Soon after the 
city was surrendered [June 20], on composition that the 
inhabitants' lives and goods should be untouched ; whereat 
the soldiers, who hitherto hoped for the spoil, now seeing 
themselves spoiled of their hope, showed no small discon- 
tentment. Solyman's wife and young children were taken 
prisoners, and the city (according to the agreement) was 
delivered to Tatinus, the Grecian admiral, in behalf of 
Alexius, his master. 

From hence the Christians set forward to the vale of 
Dogorgan, when behold Solyman with all his might fell 
upon them, and there followed a cruel battle, fought with 
much courage and variety of success. A cloud of arrows 
darkened the sky, which was quickly dissolved into a shower 
of blood. The Christians had many disadvantages, for 
their enemies were three to one, and valour itself may be 
pressed to death under the weight of multitude. The season 

M THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1097 

was UDseasonable ; the scorching of the sun much annoying 
these northern people, whilst the Turks had bodies of proof 
against the heat. Besides, the Christians* horses, affrighted 
with the barbarous sounds of the Turkish drums, were alto- 
gether unserviceable. However, they bravely maintained 
their fight by the special valour and wisdom of their leaders 
(amongst whom Boemund, and Hugh, brother to the king 
of France, deserved high commendations), till at last, find- 
ing themselves overmatched, they began to guard their 
heads with their heels, and fairly ran away. When in came 
Robert the Norman, in the very opportunity of opportunity '. 
Much he encouraged them with his words, more with his 
valour, slaying three principal Turks with his own hands. 
This sight so inspirited the Christians, that coming in on 
fresh, they obtained a most glorious victory. Two thou- 
sand on their side were slain, whereof William the brother 
of Tancred, Godfrey de Mont, and Robert of Paris, were of 
special note. But far greater was the slaughter of their 
enemies, especially after that Godfrey of Bouillon, who had 
been absent all the battle, came in with his army : yet they 
wanted a hammer to drive the victory home to the. head, 
having no horses to make the pursuit^. Solyman, flying 
away, burned all as he went; and, to prop up his credit, 
gave it out that he had gotten the day, pleasing himself to 
be a conqueror in report. This great battle was fought 
July 1st, though some make it many days after; yea, so 
great is the variety of historians in their dates, that every 
one may seem to have a several clock of time, which they 
set faster or slower at their own pleasure ; but as long as 
they agree in the main, we need not be much moved with 
their petty dissensions. 

Chap. XVII. — The Siege and Taking of Antioch. Corboran 
overcotne in Fight. Of Christ* s Spear, and of holy Fraud, 

FROM hence, with invincible industry and patience, 
they bored a passage through valleys, up mountains, 
over rivers, taking as diey went the famous cities Iconium, 
Heraclea, Tarsus, and conquering all the country of Cili- 
cia. This good success much puffed them up ^ ; God, there- 
fore, to cure them of the pleurisy of pride, did let them 
blo€>d with the long and costly siege of Antioch. This city, 
watered by the river Orontes, and called Reblath of the 

.  — t   

' M. Paris, p. 42, et H. HuntiDg, lib. 7, p. 374. 

* W. Malmesb. p. 138. * Urspergens. p. 233. 

A.D.1098 THE HOLY. WAR. 29 

Hebrews, was bailt by Seleucos Nicanor, and enlarged by 
Antiochus. Compassed it was with a double wall, one of 
square stone, the other' of brick, strengthened with four 
hundred and sixty towers, and bad a castle on the east 
rather to be admired than assaulted. Here the professors 
of our faith were first named Christians % and here St. 
Peter first sat bishop, whose fair church was a patriarchal 
seat for many hunared years after. Before this city the 
pilgrims' ^tny encamped [Oct. 21 ], and strongly besieged 
It; but the Turks within manfully defending themselves 
under Auxianus, their captain, frustrated their hopes of 
taking it by force.- The siege grew long, and victuals short, 
in the Christians* camp; and now Peter the Hermit', being 
brought to the touchstone, discovered what base metal he 
was of, ran away with some other of good note> and were 
fetched back again, and bound with a new oath to prosecute 
the war. At last, one within the city (though authors agree 
neither of his name nor religion, some making him a Turk, 
others a Christian ; some calling him Pyrrhus, some Hemir- 
pherrus, others £mipher) in the dead of the night betrayed 
the city to Boemund [June 3, 1098]. The Christians 
issuing in, and exasperated with the length of the siege, so 
remembered what they had suffered, that they forgot what 
they had to do, killing promiscuously Christian citizens 
with Turks ^. Thus passions, like heavy bodies down steep 
hills, once in motion move themselves, and know no ground 
but the bottom. 

Antioch, thus taken, was offered to Alexius the emperor, 
but he refused it, suspecting some deceit in the tender; as 
bad men measure other men's minds by the crooked rule of 
their own. Hereupon it was bestowed on Boemund; 
though this place, dearly purchased, was not long quietly 
possessed ; for Corboran, tne Turkish general, came with a 
vast army of Persian forces, and besieged the Christians in 
the city, so that they were brought into a great strait be- 
twixt death and death, hunger within and their foes without. 
Many secretly stole away, whereat the rest were no whit 
discomfited, counting the loss of cowards to be gain to an 
army. At last they generally resolved rather to lose their 
lives by wholesale on the point of the sword, than to retail 
them out by famine, which is the worst of tyrants, and 
J.. — _-«__«___w.^^_^^__^^___-__--__«. 

3 Acts zi. 26. 

3 Sabell. Can. 9, lib. 5, p. 557. £t JEmilius, in Philip the 
First, p. 123. * P. ALrnH, p. 127. 

30 THE HISTORY OF a. 0.1098 

mmderelh men in state, whilst tbey die in not dying; It 
did not a little enooonge them, that they found in the 
church of St. Peter that lance wherewith our Saviour's 
body was pierced*. They hif^ly priaed this military relic 
of Christy as if by wounding of hmi it bad got virtne to 
ivound his enemies, and counted it a pawn of certain vic- 
tory. Whether this spear was truly found, or whether it 
ivas but invented to coaen men with, we will not dispute. 
However, it wrought much with these pilgrims, for conceit 
oftentimes doeth things above conceit, especially when the 
imagination apprehendeth something founded in religion. 
Marching forth in several armies, tlMsy manfully fell upon 
their enemies [June 28], and being armed with despair to 
escape, they sought to sell their lives at the dearest rate. 
Valour doth swell when it is crushed betwixt extremities, and 
then oftentimes goeth beyond herself in her achievements. 
This day, by God's blessing on their courage, they got a 
poble conquest. Some saw St. George in the air with an 
army of white horses fighting for them ^ ; but these, no doubt, 
did look through the spectacles of foncy. And yet, though 
we should reject this apparition, we need not play the Ori- 
gens with the story of St. George, and change all the literal 
sense into an allegory of Christ and his church ; for it is 
improbable that our English nation, amongst so many saints 
that were, would choose one that was not, to be their patron, 
Especially seeing the world, in that age, had rather a glut 
than famine of saints. 

And here let me advertise the reader, once for all, not to 
expect that I should set down those many miracles^ where* 
with authors who write this war so lard their stories, that 
it will choke the belief of any discreet man to swallow them. 
As the intent of these writers was pious, to gain credit and 
converts to the Christian iaith, so the prosecuting of their 
project must be condemned, in thinking to grace die gospel 
m reporting such absurd falsities. But let us know that 
heaven hadi a pillory, whereon fraus pia herself shall be 
punished; and rather let us leave religion to her native 
plainness, than hang her ears with counterfeit pearb. 

The pride of the Turks being abated in this battle, and 

* Tyrios, lib. 6, cap. 14. 

* M. Paris, in Gulielmo secuDdo, p. 57. 

^ Mandus seneaceDs patitur pbantasias falsorum miracolo- 
rum; propterea suat nunc babenda miracola valde suspecta. 

A. D. 1098 THE HOLY WAR. dl 

one httiidred thousand of them being slain, the Christians grew 
mightily insolent, and forgot to return to God the honour of 
the victory; whereupon followed a great mortality, and 
fifty thousand died in few days. Whether this proceeded 
from the climate (the bodies of Europe not being friends 
with the air of Asia, till use by degrees reconcileth them), 
or whether it was caused by their intemperance : for after 
feng fasting they would not measure their stomachs by the 
standard of physic, and dieting themselves till nature by 
degrees could digest the meat; but by surfeiting digged 
their graves with their own teeth. 

And now we are come to the skirts and borders of Pales- 
tine. Wherefore as heralds use to blazon the field before 
they meddle with the charge, so let us describe the land 
before we relate the actions done therein. If in bowling 
they must needs throw wide which know not the green or 
alley whereon they play, much more must they miss the 
truth in story who are unacquainted with that country 
whereon the discourse proceedeth. Briefly, therefore, of 
the Holy Land ; as not intending to make a large and wide 
description of so short and narrow a country. 

Chap. XVIII. — A Pisgahsigkty or short Survey of Pales- 
tine in general; and how it might maintain one million 
three hundred thousand Men. 

PALESTINE is bounded on the north with Mount Liba- 
nus; west, with the Midland Sea; south, with the 
wilderness of Paran, parting it from Egypt ; and east, with 
the-mountains of Gilead and the river of Amon. To give it 
the most fiivonrable dimensions : from the foot of Libanus 
to Beersheba, north and south, may be allowed two hundred 
and ten miles; and from Ramoth-gilead to Endor, east and 
west, seventy ; which is the constant breadth of the country. 
In whidi compass, in David's time, were maintained thir- 
teen hundred thousand men', besides women, children, and 
impotent persons ; and yet the tribes of Benjamin * and Levi 
were not reckoned. True this must needs be, for Truth hath 
said it ; yet it is wonderful. For though the United Pro- 
vinces in the Low Countries maintain as many people in as 
little a plot of ground, yet they feed not on home-bred food, 
but have Poland for their granary, the British ocean for 
their fishpond. High Germany for their wine-cellar, and by 
the benefit of their harbours unlock the storehouses of all 

' 2 Sam. xxiv. 9. '1 Chroo. zxi. 6. 


other countries. It fared not thus with the Jews, whose 
own country fed them all. And yet the seeming impos- 
sibility of so many kept in so smaill a land will be abated 
if we consider these particulars : — 

1. People in those hot countries had not so hot appetites 
for the quantity of the meat eaten, nor gluttonous palates 
for the variety of it. 

2. The country rising and falling into hills and vales, 
gained many acres of ground, whereof no notice is taken in 
a map, for therein all things presented are conceived to be 
in piano : and so the land was far roomier than the scale of 
miles doth make it. 

3. They had pasturage to feed their cattle in, in out* 
countries beyond Palestine. Thus the tribe of Reuben^ 
grazed their catde eastward, even to the river Euphrates. 

4. Lastly, the soil was transcendently fruitful, as ap- 
peareth by that great bunch of grapes^ carried by two men. 
For though many a man hath not been able to bear wine, 
it is much that one should be laden with one cluster of 

If any object against the fruitfulness of this country, that 
there were many wildernesses therein, as those of Maon, 
Ziph, Carmel, Gibeon, Judah, and these roust needs cut 
large thongs out of so narrow a hide : it is answered, that 
these wildernesses took up no great space, as probably 
being no bigger than our least forests in England. As for 
the greater deserts, we must not conceive them to lie wholly 
waste, but that they were but thinly inhabited ; for we find 
six cities, with their villages, in the wilderness of Judah ^. 

Principal commodities of this country were, 

1 . Balm, which wholly failed ^ not long after our Saviour's 
passion ; whether because the type was to cease when the 
truth was come, or because that land was unworthy to have 
so sovereign bodily physic grow in her, where the Physician 
of the soul was put to death. 

2. Honey, and that either distilled by bees, those little 
chymists (and the pasture they fed on was never a whit the 
barer for their biting), or else rained down from heaven, as 
that which Jonathan tasted 7, when his sweet meat had like 
to have had sour sauce, and to have cost him his life. 

Besides these, milk, oil, nuts, almonds, dates^ figs, olives : 

* 1 Chron. v. 9, 10. * Num. xiii. 23. • Joshua, xv. 61. 
^ Monster, in Terra sancta, p. 1017, et in i£gypt< p. 1135. 
7 iSam.xiv. 27. 


$0 that we may boldly say, no country had better sauce and 
better meat, having fowl, fish in sea, lakes, and rivers; 
flesh of sheep, goats, bucks, and kine. 

Mines of gold and silver, with pearls and precious stones, 
Judea rather had not than vranted; either because God 
would not have his people proud or covetous, or because 
these are not essential to man's life, or because nature 
bestoweth these commodities in recompense on barren 

Horses they had none, but what they bought out of 
Egm[)t for service, using asses for burden, oxen for drawing, 
and mules for travel* And for many hundred years they 
used no horses in battle, till David took some from Hada- 
dezer^. The greatest inconvenience of the land was that 
it had wild beasts; and their sheep were not securely 
folded like ours in England, which stand more in danger 
of men than wolves. 

The chief river of the country was Jordan, over which 
the Israelites passed on foot; afterwards Elijah made a 
bridge over it with his cloak, and our Saviour washed the 
water hereof, by being baptized in it. This ariseth from 
the springs of Jor and Dan ; whence, running south, he 
enlargeth himself, first into the waters of Merom, then into 
the IsSlc of Genesareth or Tiberias ; and hence, recovering 
his stream, as if sensible of his sad fate, and desirous to 
defer what he cannot avoid, he fetcheth many turnings and 
windings, but all will not excuse him from falling into the 
Dead Sea. Authors are very fruitful on the barrenness of 
this sea (where Sodom once stood), writing how on the 
banks thereof grow those hypocrite apples and well com- 
plexioned dust (the true emblems of tne £sdse pleasures of 
this world) which touched fall to ashes. 

Chap. XIX» — Galilee described. 

PALESTINE contained four provinces ; Galilee, on the 
north; Trachonitis, beyond Jordan, on the east; 
Judea, on the south ; and Samaria, in the middle. Galilee 
was divided into the upper and lower. The upper (called 
also Galilee of the Gentiles, because it bordered on them) 
comprehended the tribes of Asher and Naphtali. 

Asher entertaineth us with these observables: — 1. Mis- 
rephothmajim ', the Nantwich of Palestine, where salt was 
boiled. 2. Sarepta, where Elijah multiplied the widow's 

I 111! I I  I II I II I I . I . 

^ ^ Sain. viii. 4.. > Jo»h. xi. 8. 


oil. 3. Tyre', anciently the royal exchange of the world; 
but of this (as of Sidon and Ptolemais) largely hereafter. 
4. Ephek, whose walls falling down gave both the death 
and gravestones to twenty-seven thousand of Benhadad's 
soldiers. 5. Cana the Great, whereof was that woman 
whose daughter Christ dispossessed of a devil. 6. Belus, 
a rivulet &mous for its glassy sand. 7. Mount Libanus, 
whether so called (as our Albion) from his snowy top, or 
from frankincense growing thereon. 

Naphtali with these: — 1. Abel-beth-maacha. In this 
borough Sheba, that vermin, earthed himself, till a woman^s 
wisdom threw his head over the walls : and pity it was those 
walls should have stood, if they had been too high to throw 
a traitor's head over them. 2. Harosheth, the city of Sisera, 
who, for all his commanding of nine hundred iron chariots, 
was slain with one iron nail. 3. Capernaum, virhere Christ 
healed the centurion's servant, and not hr off fed an army 
of guests with five loaves and two fishes; so that if we con- 
sider what they ate, we may wonder that they left any 
thing; ifwhattheyleft,thatthey ate any thing. 4. Kedesb, 
a city of refuge, whither they were to fly that killed men 
unawares. As for those who formerly privileged sanctu- 
aries in England, where the worst traitors and wilfiilest 
murderers were secure from punishment, they rather pro- 
pounded Romulus than Moses for their president. 5. Rib- 
fah, where King Zedekiah (more unhappy that he saw so long, 
than that he was blind so soon) had his eyes put out, after 
he had beheld the slaughter of his sons. 6. Cesarea- 
Philippi, the chief city of Decapolis, which vras a small 
territory on both sides of Jordan, so called of ten cities it 
contained ; though authors wonderfully differ in redconing 
up. 7. Christ's mount, so named because it was his pulpit, 
as the whole law was his text, when he made that famous 
sermon on the mount. This Sun of Righteousness, which 
had all Palestine for his zodiac, the twelve tribes for his 
signs, stayed longest here and in Zebulun ; and, as St. Hie- 
rome observeth^, as these two tribes were first carried into 
captivity, so redemption was first preached in these coun- 

Lower Galilee consisted of Zebulun and Issachar. Zebu- 
lun presenteth us with Nain, where our Saviour raised the 
widow's son, so that she was tvnce a mother, yet had but 
one child. 2. Cana the Less, where he showed the virginity 

> In 4 Mat. 


of his mirades at a marriage, taming water into wine. 
3. Bethulia, where Judith struck off Uolofemes's head, 
though some since have struck off that story, not only from 
canonical scripture, but from truth. 4. Bethsaida, up- 
braided l^ Christ, famous for her great means, great ingra- 
titude, great punishment. 5. Nazareth, where our SaTiour 
had his conception and education. 6. Tiberias, so called 
by Herod the tetrarch, in the honour of Tiberius. 7. Mount 
Carmel, the Jewish Parnassus, where the prophets were so 
coQTersant. 8. Tabor, where our Saviour was transfigured, 
the earnest of his future glory. 9. The river Kishon, God*s 
besom to sweep away Sisera's great army. 

In Issachar we find Tarichea, taken with great difficulty 
by Vespasian. 2. Shunem, where Elisha was so often 
entertained by an honourable woman. And, as if this land 
had beoi thirsty of blood, here in this tribe were fought 
the battles of Gideon against the Midianites, Jehu against 
Jehoram, Saul against the Philistines upon Mount Gilboa. 
David therefore cursed that mountain, that neither dew nor 
rain should fall on it But of late, some English travelers 
climbing this mountain were well wetted, David not ciining 
it by a prophetical spirit, but in a poetical rapture. 

Chap. XX. — The Detcription of Samaria. 

SAMARIA contained half Manasses on this side Jordaoi^ 
and the tribe of Ef^raim. In the former we met with 
Bethshean, on the walls whereof the Philistines hanged 
Saul's body. 2. Tinah, where Zimri (whose only goodness 
was, that he reigned but seven days) burned himself and 
the king's palace. 3. Thebez, where Abimelech, prodigal 
of his life, but niggardly of his reputation, not so pained 
with his death, as angry with his killer (because a woman), 
would needs be killed again by his armour-bearer. 4. Me- 
giddo, where Josiah, that bright sun, set in a cloud, engaging 
himself in a needless quarrel, wherein he was slain. 5. 
Cesarea-Stratonis, where Herod was eaten up with worms. 
6, Jezreel, a royal city of the kings of Israel, nigh which 
lay die vineyard, or rather blood-yard, of Naboth. 

Ephraim vi^as adorned with Samaria, the chief city of 
Israel, which at this day showeth more ruins than Jerusa- 
lem. 2. Shiloh, where the ark was long leiger; and where 
Eli, heart-broken with bad news, brake his neck with a 
hlh 3, Sichem, where Dinah bought the satisfying of 
her curiosity with the loss of her chastity. And, as if the 
ground here were stained with perfidiousness, here Simeon 


and Levi killed the Sichemites, Joseph was sold by his 
brethren, Abimelech usurped the government, the ten tribes 
revolted from Rehoboam. 4. Mount Ephraim, a ridge of 
hills crossing this country. 5. Gerizzim and Ebal, two 
mountains : the blessings were pronounced on the one, and 
the curses on the other. 

Chap. XXI. — Judea mrveyedm 

JUDEA comprised the tribes of Benjamin, Dan, Simeon, 
and Judah. Benjamin flourished with Gilgal, where 
Joshua circumcised the Israelites. They hitherto had been 
fellow-commoners with the angels, feeding on manna, which 
here ceased ; God withdravring miracles where he afforded 
means. 2. Gibeon, whose inhabitants cozened Joshua with 
a pass of false-dated antiquity : who would have thought 
that clouted shoes could have covered so much subtilty? 
Here Joshua sent his mandate to the sun to stand still, and 
to wait on him whilst he conquered his enemies. -3. Nob, 
where Doeg, more cruel than the king*s cattle he kept, 
slew eighty-five priests, as innocent as their ephods were 
white. 4. Jericho, whose walls were battered down with 
the sound of rams' horns. 5. Bethel, where God appeared 
to Jacob. 6. Ai, where the Israelites were slain for the 
sacrilege of Achan. 

Dan had these memorables : — 1. Joppa, a safe harbour, 
where Jonah fled from God's service. 2. Ashdod, or 
Azotus, where Dagon did twice homage to the ark, not 
only falling bare, but putting off his head and hands. 3. 
Gath, a seminary of gianUt, where Goliath was bom. 4. 
Ekron, where Beelzebub, the God of flies, had a nest or 
temple. 5. Timnath, where Judah committed incest with 
Tamar, but betrayed himself by his own tokens, and beat 
himself with his own staff. Hence Samson fetched his wife, 
whose epithalamium proved the dirge to so many Philistines. 
6. Modin, where the Maccabees were buried. 7. Sorek, 
the chief, if not only rivulet of this tribe. 

Entering on the south coasts of Simeon, we light on 
Askelon, where Herod was born. 2. Gaza, chief of the 
five satrapies of the Philistines, the gates whereof Samson 
carried away ; and hither being sent for to make sport in the 
house of Dagon, acted such a tragedy that plucked down 
the stage, slew himself and all the spectators. 3. More 
inland, Ziklag, assigned by Achish to David. 4. Beer- 
sheba and Gerar, where Abraham and Isaac lived most 
coustanily^ near unto the brook of Besor. 


The tribe of Judah was the greatest of al), so that Simeon 
and Dan did feed on the reversion thereof, and received 
those cities which originally belonged to this royal tribe* 
Memorable herein were, 1. Hebron, the land whereof was 
given to Caleb, because he and Joshua consented not to the 
£gdse verdict which the jury of spies brought in against the 
land of Canaan. 2. Nigh, in the cave of Machpelah, the 
patriarchs were buried; whose bodies took livery and 
seizin in behalf of their posterity, which were to possess the 
whole land. 3. KirjathHKpher or Debir, an ancient univer- 
sity of the Canaanites: for though Parnassus was only in 
Greece, yet the Muses were not confined to that country. 
4. Tekoa, where Amos was born, fetched from the herds- 
men to feed God's sheep; and to dress his vine, from 
gathering wild figs. fl. Zoar, Lot's refuge, near to which 
his wife, for one fiirewell glance at Sodotn, was turned into 
a pillar of salt, to season us to measure a sin by the infinite- 
ness of God who forbiddeth it. Adjoining is Lot's cave, 
where he, affecting solitariness, had too much company of 
his own daughters. 6. Carmel, where Nabal lived, as rich 
as foolish ; but those grains of wisdom which were wanting 
in him were found overweight in his wife. Here Uzziah 
pastured his cattle, a king, yet delighted in husbandry ; as 
thrift is the fiiel of magnificence. 7. Bethlehem, where 
our Saviour was born. 8. Jerusalem, whereof afterwards. 

Chap. XXII.— Of Trachonitis. 

WE want one adequate word of a country to express 
the tribes of Reuben, Gad, and half Manasses 
beyond Jordan. Trachonitis cometh the nearest, so called 
because it riseth up in sharp hills, which are known to 
Ptolemy by the name of Hippus ; to Strabo, of Trachones ; 
but in Scripture, of Mount tiermon, or Gilead. 

Reuben, though disinherited of the birthright, had this 
honour of an elder brother, that he was first provided for. 
His chief places, Heshbon and Medeba, and Macherus, 
the strongest inland city in that part of the world. Mount 
Abarim, a chain of hills, the highest whereof was Nebo ; 
the top cliff of Nebo, Pisgah, whence Moses viewed the 
land : hereabouts the angel buried him, and also buried his 
grave, lest it should occasion idolatry. The river Amon 
parteth this tribe from Moab. 

In Gad, we find Peniel, where Jacob wrestled with God, 
lost a sinew, but got a blessing : Jabesh-gilead, where Saul 
was buried : Ramoth-gilead, where Ahab was slain ; Roge- 


]im, the manor of Barzillai, superannuated to be a courtier : 
Mabanaim, where the angels appeared to Jacob : the forest 
of Ephraim^ where that execution was done by Jephthah 
on the EphraimiteSy for not pronouncing that heavy aspira- 
tion in Shibboleth : the river Jabbok, 

In Manasses, Edrei, the city of Og, on whose giant-like 
proportion the rabbins have more giant-like lies : Oadara, 
whose inhabitants loved their swine better than their Saviour. 
They that desire to be further informed of Canaan, let them 
spare pains to strike fire, and light their candle at Sir 
Walter Raleigh's torch. 

Chap. XXIII, — J%e Description of the City of Jerusalem; 
the Observables within and about her. 

JERUSALEM, by the often change of her fortunes, hath 
somewhat altered her situation, having hitched herself 
more north-westward. For the mountain of Calvary, which 
formerly she shut out of her gates, as the in&mous place of 
execution, she now embraceth within her walls as her most 
venerable monument 

On the south of Jerusalem (once part of her, now ex- 
cluded) lieth Mount Sion, famous anciently for the palace 
of David : on the east, Mount Olivet, parted with the vale 
of Jehoshaphat ; which (some will have) shall be the hall 
for the great assizes of the world at the day of judgment, 
whilst others more modestly conceive that the place as well 
as the time is concealed. On the west, the hill of Gihon : 
and on the north, it is indifferent plain. 

The monuments which are still extant, to be seen without 
or within the city, are reducible to one of these three 
ranks : — 1. Certainly true ; as the mountains compassing it, 
which are standards too great and too heavy for either time 
or war to remove ; and such also are some eminent particu- 
lars of some places, which constant tradition, without rup- 
ture, hath entailed on posterity. 2. Of a mixed nature ; 
where the text is true, but superstition and fancy have 
commented on it. 3. Stark lies, without a rag of proba- 
bility to bide their shame ; where the believer is as foolish 
as the inventor impudent. We will bundle them together, 
and let the reader sort them at his discretion : for it is as 
hard to fit the throats as to please the palates of men ; and 
that will choke one man's belief which another will swallow 
as easily credible. Neither let any censure this discourse 
as a parenthesis to this history, seeing that to see thesie 


relics was one principal motive with many to undertake this 

To begin without the city, on the south, there remain the 
ruins of David's palace, too near to which was Uriah's 
house; and the fountain' is still showed where Bathsheba's 
washing of her body occasioned the fouling of her soul. 
Next, David's tomb is to be seen, wherein he was buried : 
his monument was enriched with a mass of treasure, saith 
Josephus ; out of which Hircanus, eight hundred and fifty 
years after, took three thousand talents. But surely David, 
who despised riches in his life, was not covetous after his 
death : and I am sure they are his oym words, that Man 
ihaU carry nothing away toith Aim, neither $haU hii great 
pomp follow him*. Thirdly, Aceldama, that buiying-place 
for strangers ; and the grave, that every where hath a good 
stomach, hath here a boulimia^ or greedy worm, for it will 
devour the flesh of a corpse in forty-eight hours. Fourthly, 
Absalom's pillar, which be built to continue his memory, 
though he might have saved that cost, having eternized his 
in&my by his unnatural rebellion. Fifthly, the houses of 
Annas and Caiaphas, to pass by others of inferior note. 

On the east, first, Mount Olivet, from whence our Saviour 
took his rise into heaven. The chapel of Ascension, of an 
eight-square round, mounted on three degrees, still chal- 
lengeth great reverence ; and there the footsteps of our Saviour 
are still to be seen, which cannot be covered over. Secondly, 
die fig-tree which Christ cursed ; for he who spake many, 
here vrrought a parable; this whole tree being but the bark, 
and Christ under it cursing the fruitless profession of the 
Jews. Thirdly, the place where St. Stepnen was stoned ; 
and the stones thereabouts are overgrown with a red rust, 
which is (forsooth) the very blood of that holy martyr. 
Fourthly, the place where Judas surprised our Saviour, 
and he fell down on a stone, in which the print of his 
elbows and feet are still to be seen. Fifthly, the sepulchre 
of the blessed Virgin ; whose body, after it had bec»i three 
days buried, was carried up by the angels into heaven ; and 
she let fall her girdle to St. Thomas^, that his weak faith 
might be swaddled therewith; otherwise he who in the 
point of Christ's resurrection would have no creed, except 
he made his own articles, and put bis finger into his side, 
would no doubt hardly have believed the Virgin's assump- 

* Morison's Trav. part 1, p. 326. * Fsahn zlix. 17. 

^ Sandys, p. 190. 


tioa. With this legend we may couple another, which, 
though distant in place, will be believed both together: 
they show at Bethlehem^ a little hole over the place where 
our Saviour was born, through which the star which con- 
ducted the wise men fell down to the ground. But who 
will not conclude but there was a vertigo in his head, who 
first made a star subject to the fidling sickness ? Sixthly, 
the vale of Hinnom or Tophet, in which wise Solomon, 
befooled by his wives, built a temple to Moloch. Seventhly, 
Cedron, a brook so often mentioned in Scripture. 

The west and north sides of Jerusalem were not so 
happily planted with sacred monuments; and we find none 
thereon which grew to any eminency. 

We will now lead the reader into Jerusalem; where, 
first, on Mount Moriah (the place where Isaac was offered, 
though not sacrificed), stooa Solomon's temple, destroyed 
by the Chaldeans, rebuilt by Zorobabel ; afterward Herod 
reedified it so stately (saith Josephus) that it exceeded 
Solomon's temple ; if his words exceed not the truth. But 
no wonder if he that never saw the sun, dare say that the 
moon is the most glorious light in the heavens. Secondly, 
Solomon's palace, which was thirteen years in building^, 
whereas the temple was finished in seven ^ : not that he 
bestowed more cost and pains (because more time) on his 
own than on God's house ; but rather he plied God's work 
more thoroughly, and entertained then more builders; so 
that, contrary to the proverb, church work went on the most 
speedily. Thirdly, the house of the forest of Lebanon, 
which was (as appeareth by comparing the text) forty 
cubits longer, and thirty cubits broader than the temple 
itself. But no doubt the Holy Spirit^ speaking of holy 
buildings, meaneth the great cubit of the sanctuary ; but in 
other houses, the ordinary or common cubit. It was called 
the house of Lebanon, because hard by it Solomon pUinted 
a grove 7, the abridgment of the great forest; so that the 
pleasures of spacious Lebanon were here written in a less 
character. Fourthly, Pilate's palace, and the common 
hall, where the Judge of the world was condemned to 
death. Fifthly, the pool of Bethesda, the waters whereof, 
troubled by the angel, were a panpharmaam to him that 

* ' - - _ , I , I n - 1 - - 

^ Bidulph*8 Trav. p. 130, and Morison's, part 1, p. 2S7, 

^ 1 Kings, vii. 1. 

^ 1 Kings, vi. 38. Vide Tremel. in locum* 

7 Adricom. ex Hieron. p. 153* 


first got into them. Here was a spital built with five 
porches, the mercy of Crod being seconded by the charity of 
man ; God gare the cure, men built the harbour for impo* 
tent persons* Sixthly, the house of Dives^ the rich glutton : 
and therefore (saith Adricomins') it was no parable: but 
may we not retort his words ? It was a parable, and there- 
fore this is none of Dives's house. Sure I am, Theophy* 
lact is against the literal sense thereof, and saith, they think 
foolishly that think otherwise 9. 

But my discourse hasteth to Mount Calvary, which at 
this day hath almost engrossed all reverence to itself. It is 
called Calvary, Golgotha, or the place of a scull, either 
because the hill is rolled and rounded up in the fiishion of a 
man's head'^ (as Pen*'^ in the British tongue signifieth 
both a head and a copped hill), or because here the bodies 
of such as were executed were cast. As for that conceit, 
that Adam's scull should here be foand, it is confuted by 
St. Hierome, who will have him buried at Hebron. Neither 
is it likely, if the Jews had a tradition that the father of man- 
kind had here been interred, that they would have made 
his sepulchre their Tyburn, where malefactors were put to 
death, and the charnel-house where their bones were scat- 
tered. Over our Saviour's grave stood a stately church, 
built, say some, by Helen, say others, by Constantine; but 
we will not set mother and son at variance ; it might be she 
built it at his cost. In this church are many monuments, 
as the pillar whereunto Christ was bound when scourged, 
wherein red spots of dusky-veined marble usurped the 
honour to be counted Christ's blood'*. Secondly, a great 
cleft in the rock, which was rent in sunder at the passion, 
whereby the bad thief was divided firom Christ (the sign of 
his spiritual separation), and they say it reacheth to the 
centre of the earth : a thing hard to confute. Thirdly, cer- 
tain pillars, which, being in a dark place under ground, are 
said miraculously to weep for our Saviour's sufferings. But 
I refer those who desire the criticisms of those places, 
without going thither, to read our English travellers; for in 
this case, as good wares and far cheaper pennyworths are 
bought at the second hand. 

To conclude our description of Palestine, let none con- 

8 Theati^. Terr. Sanct. 153. 

^ oLVOfiTioc, Comment, in 16 Luc. ^^ Iliyricus, in tf Matth. 
*^ Camden's Brit, in Buckinghnmshire. 
>3 Brideob. De Domin. Sepalchro. 



ceive tbat God forgot the Lerkes in division of the land, 
because they had no entire country allotted unto them. 
Their portion was as large as any, though paid in several 
sums ; they had forty-eight cities, with their suburbs, tithes, 
first-fruits, free-offsrings ; being better provided for than 
many English ministers, who may preach of hospitality to 
their people, but cannot go to the cost to practise their own 



At Christ's In St. Hie- 

In the Old Testa- 

1. Azzah, 
3. Japho. 

3. Ramah. 

4. Shechem. 

6. Capharsala^ 


7. Zarephath. 
9. Bethsan. 

10. Tzor. 












C Cesarea-Philip- 
{ pi. 

At this 
rome's time. day, 

Constantia. Gazra ' '• 





12. Jerusalem* Hierosolyma. M\\9., 





13. Samaria. Samaria. 

14. Cinnereth**. Tiberias. 

15. Accho. Ptolemais. 

16. Gath. 

17. Dammesek. Damascus. 

18. Amon. 

19. Rabbah. Philadelphia. 

20. Waters of Semochonite 

Merom. lake. 


Dio-Cesarea. Ybilin**. 

Areopolis. Petra**. 

^* Adricom. p. 23. *> Morison, p. 216. 

>7 Adricom. p. 70. is Raleigh, p. 283. 

» Raleigh, p. 291. « Sandys, p. 155. 

3* Sandys, p. 212. ^ Adricom. p. 22. 

^ Adricom. p. 32. ^ Sandys, p. 212. 


»» Sandys, p. 149. 
i« Raleigh, p. 311. 
>' Sandys, p. 216. 
^ Adricom. p. 143. 
» Bidulph, p. 94. 

A. D. 109.9. THE HOLY WAR. 43 

Chap. XXIV. — The Siege and Ttjung qfJerutalem, 

BY this time cold weather (the best besom to sweep the 
chambers of the air) bad well cleared the Christians' 
camp from infection : and now their devotion moved the 
swifter, being come near to the centre thereof the city of 
Jerusalem. Forward they set, and take the ci^ of Marrha 
[Dee. 11, 1098], and employ themselves in securing the 
country about them, that so they might clear the way as 
they went [1099]. Neither did the discords betwixt Kei* 
mund and Boemund much delay their Droceedings, being 
in some measure seasonably compounded ; as was also the 
sea battle betwixt the Pisans and Venetians. For the Vene- 
tians seeing on the Pisans the cognizance of the cross', the 
uncounterfeited passport that they wear for the holy war, 
sufiered them safely to go on, though otherwise they were 
their deadly enemies ; yea, and set five thousand of them 
at liberty, whom they had taken captive. 

The pilgrims kept their Easter at Tripolie [April 10]j 
Whitsuntide by Cesarea-Statonis [May 29], taking many 
places in their passage; and at last came to Jerusalem. 
Discovering the city a&r off, it was a pretty sight to behold 
the harmony in the difference of expressing their joy ; how 
they clothed the same passion with diverse gestures; some 
prostrate, some kneeling, some weeping; all had much 
ado to manage so great a gladness. Then began they the 
siege of the city on the north [June 6] (being scarce assault- 
able on any other side, by reason of steep and broken 
rocks), and continued it wiUi great valour. On the fourth 
day after [June 10], they had taken it but for want of 
scaling»>ladders. But a far greater want was the defect of 
vrater, the springs being either stopped up or poisoned by 
the Turks; so that they fetched water five miles off^. As 
for the brook Cedron, it was dried up, as having no sub- 
sistence of itself, but merely depending on the benevo- 
lence of winter waters, which Mount Olivet bestoweth upon 
it. Admiral Coligni was wont to say. He that will well 
paint the beast warf must first begin to shape the belly; 
meaning that a good general must first provide victuals for 
an army : yea, let him remem1>er the bladder in the beast's 
belly, as well as the guts, and take order for moisture more 
especially than for meat itself; thirst, in northern bodies, 
being more insupportable than famine : quickly will their 

1 Sabellicus, Enn. 9, lib. S, p. 357. < ^milius, p. 135. 

44 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 109d 

courage be cooled, vfho have no moisture to cool their 
hearts. As for the Christians' want of ladders, that was 
<)uickly supplied ; for the Genoans arriving with a fleet in 
Palestine, brought most curious engineers, who framed a 
wooden tower, and all other artificial instruments. For we 
must not think that the world was at a loss for war tools 
before the brood of guns was hatched : it had the battering- 
ram 3, first found out by Epeus, at the taking of Troy; the 
baltstOy to discharge great stones, invented by the Pheni- 
cians; the catapulta^ being a sling of mighty strength, 
whereof the Syrians were authors; and perchance King 
Uzziah first made it^ ; for we find him very dexterous and 
happy in devising such things. And although these bear- 
whelps were but rude and unshaped at the first, yet art did 
lick them afterwards, and they got more teeth and sharper 
nails by degrees ; so that every age set them forth in a new 
edition, corrected and amended. But these and many more 
voluminous engines (for the ram alone had a hundred men 
to manage it) are now virtually epitomized in the cannon. 
And though some may say, that the finding of guns hath 
been the losing of many men's lives, yet it will appear that 
battles now are fought with more expedition, and victory 
standeth not so long a neuter, before she express herself on 
one side or other. 

But these guns have shot my discourse firom the siege of 
Jerusalem. To return thither again. By this time, in the 
space of a month' [J^ly ^^J) ^^^^ Genoans had finished 
their engines which they built seven miles ofi*^ ; for nearer 
there grew no stick of bigness. I will not say, that since 
our Saviour was hanged on a tree, the land about that city 
hath been cursed with a barrenness of wood. And now, 
for a preparative, that their courage might work the better, 
they began with a fast and a solemn procession about 
Mount Olivet [July 12]. 

Next day they gave a fierce assault [July 1 3] ; yea, 
women played the men 7, and fought most valiantly in 
armour. But they within being forty thousand strong, well 
victualled and appointed, made stout resistance, till the 
night (accounted but a foe for her friendship) umpired 
betwixt them, and abruptly put an end to their fight in the 
midst of their courage. 

» Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. 7, cap. 56. * 2 Chron. xxvi. 15. 

» M. Paris, p. 6S. 

^ P. iEmilius, p. 135 ; and Tyrius, lib. 8, cap. 6. 

' Tyrius, lib. 8> cap. 13. 

A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 45 

When the first light brought news of a morning, they on 
afresh; the rattier, because they had intercepted a letter' 
tied to the legs of a dove (it being the fiaLshion of that 
country both to write and send their letters with the wings 
of a fowl'), wherein the Persian emperor promised present 
succours to the besieged. The Turks cased the outside of 
their walls with bags of chaff, straw, and such like pliable 
matter, which conquered the engines of the Christians by 
yielding unto them. As for one sturdy engine whose force 
would not be tamed, they brought two old witches on the 
walls to enchant it*^; but the spirit thereof was too strong 
for their spells, so that both of them were miserably slain 
in the place. 

The day following [July 15], Duke Godfrey*' fired 
piuch combustible matter, the smoke whereof (the light 
cause of a heavy effect), driven with the wind, blinded the 
Turks' eyes ; and under the protection thereof ihe Christians 
entered the city, Godfrey himself first footing the walls, and 
then his brother Eustace. The Turks retired to Solomon's 
temple (so called because built in the same place), there to 
take the farewell of their lives. In a desperate conflict there, 
the foremost of the Christians were miserably slain, thrust upon 
the weapons of their enemies by their fellows that followed 
them. The pavement so swam, that none could go but 
either through a rivulet of blood, or over a bridge of dead 
bodies. Valour was not wanting in the Turks, but super* 
latively abundant in the Christians, till night made them 
leave off. Next morning mercy was proclaimed to all those 
that would lay down their weapons ; for though blood be 
the best sauce for victory, yet must it not be more than the 
meat. Thus was Jerusalem won by the Christians, and 
twenty thousand Turks therein slain' , on the 15th of July, 
being Friday, about three of the clock in the afternoon. 
Tyrius'^ findeth a great mystery in the time, because Adam 
was created on a Friday, and on the same day and hour our 
Saviour suffered. But these synchronisms, as when they 
are natural they are pretty and pleasing, so when violently 
wrested, nothing more poor and ridiculous. 

Then many Christians [July 18], who all this while had 
lived in Jerusalem in moist lamentable slavery, being glad 

^ P. i^^milias, p. 136. 

• The manner set down at large, Bidulph's Trav. p. 43. 
" Tyrius, lib. 8. cap. 15. " Idem, lib. 8, cap. 18. 

" .M. Paris, p. 63. " Lib. 8, c. 18. 


to hrk io secnt (as trulh ofUntimes seekelh comen^ as 
fearing her judge, Aough neva as suspecting her cause) 
came forth joyfully, welcomed and embraced these the pro- 
cuter« of their liberty. 

Three days after it was concluded, as a necessary piece 
of sererity for their defence '*, to put all the Turks in Jera- 
ialem to death ; vhich waa accordingly performed without 
&Tonr to age or ki. The pretence was lor fear of treasoc 
in them, if the emperor of Persia should besiege the city. 
And sonic slew them with the same zeal wherewrth Saul 
slew the Gibeonites, and thou^t it unfit that these goats 
should lire in the sheep's pasture. But noble T^ricred was 
highly displeased hereat, because done in cold blood, it 
being no slip of an extemporary passion, but a studied and 
premeditated act; and that against nardon proclaimed, 
many of Ihem having compounded and paid for Ibeir lives 
and liberty. Besides, the execution was merciless, upon 
sucking children, whose not speaking spake for them ; and 
on women, whose weakness is a shield to defend diem 
against a valiant man. To conclude : severity hot in tb« 
foonh degree, is little better than poison, and becometh 
cruelty itself; and this act seemeth to he of the same 

" Besoldna, De Regibni Hierosa). ii vuiia auctortbas, p. 


Chap. I. — Robert the Norman refiueth the Kingdom of 
Jerusalem, Godfrey of Bouillon chaen King. lAs 
Parentagey Educationy and Virtues. 

EIGHT days after Jerusalem was won, they proceeded 
to the election of a king [July 23, 1099]; but they 
had so much choice that they nad no choice at all ; so 
many princes there were, and so equally eminent, that 
justice herself must suspend her verdict, not knowing 
which of them best deserved the crown. Yet it was their 
pleasure to pitch on Robert the Norman as on the man of 
nighest descent, being son to a king ; for great Hugh of 
France was already returned hon>e, pretending the colic ; 
though some impute it to cowardliness, and make the dis- 
ease not in his bowels, but his heart. 

Robert refused this honourable proffer' ; whether because 
he had an eye to the kingdom of £ngland now void by the 
death of William Rufus, or because he accounted Jeru- 
salem would be incumbered with continual war. But he 
who would not take the crown with the cross, was fain to 
take the cross without the crown, and never thrived after- 
wards in aiw thing he undertook^. Thus they who refuse 
what God fairly carveth for them, do never after cut well 
for themselves. He lived to see much misery, and felt 
more, having his eyes put out by King Henry's brother ; 
and at last found rest (when buried) in the new cathedral 
church of Gloucester, under a wooden monument^, bearing 
better proportion to his low fortunes than high birth. And 
since, in the same choir, he hath got the company of another 
prince as unfortunate as himself, King Edward the Second. 

They go on to a second choice ; and that they may know 
the natures of the princes the better, their servants were 
examined on oath to confess their masters' &ults. The 
servants of Godfrey of Bouillon protested their master's 
only fault was this^, that when matins were done he would 
stay so long in the church, to know of the priest the mean- 

> P. ^mylius, p. 137. « Henry Hontiog, lib. 7, p. 377. 

' Camden, Brit. p. 355. * Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. If* 

48 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1099 

ing of every image and picture, that dinner at home was 
spoiled by his long tarrying. All admired hereat, that this 
man's worst vice should be so great a virtue, and unani- 
mously chose him their king. He accepted the place, but 
refused the solemnity thereof, and would not wear a crown 
of gold there, where the Saviour of mankind had worn a 
crown of thorns. 

He was son to Eustace, duke of Bouillon, and Ida his 
wife, daughter and heir to Godfrey, duke of Lorraine ; born, 
saith Tyrius', at Boulogne, a town in Champagne, on toe 
English sea, which he mistaketh for Bouillon, up higher in 
the continent, near the country of Luxembourg. Such slips 
are incident to the pens of the best authors ; yea, we may 
see Canterbury mistaken for Cambridge, not only in Mun- 
ster^, but even in all our own printed statute-books in the 
twelfth of Richard the Second^. He was brought up in 
that school of valour, the court of Henry the Fourth the 
emperor. Whilst he lived there, there happened an intri- 
cate suit betwixt him and another prince about title of land ; 
and because judges could not untie the knot, it was con- 
cluded the two princes should cut it asunder with their 
sword in a combat, Godfrey was very unwilling to fight*, 
not that he was the worse soldier, but the better Christian ; 
he made the demur not in his courage, but in his conscience ; 
as conceiving any private title for land not ground enough 
for a duel : yea, we may observe generally, that they who 
long most to fight duels are the first that surfeit of them. 
Notwithstanding, he yielded to the tyranny of custom, and 
after the fashion of the country entered the lists ; when, at 
the first encounter, his sword brake, but he struck his 
adversary down with the hilt, yet so that he saved his life, 
and gained his own inheritance. Another parallel act of 
his valour was when being standard-bearer to the emperor, 
he with the imperial ensign killed Rodulphus, the duke of 
Saxony, in single fight, and fed the eagle on the bowels of 
that arch-rebel. His soul was enriched with many virtues, 
but the most orient of all was his humility, which took all 
men's affections without resistance ; and though one saith« 
take away ambition, and you take away the spurs of a sol- 
dier ; yet Godfrey, without those spurs, rode on most tri- 

^ Lib. 9, cap, 6. ^ Lib. 3, Cosmog. p. 50. 

'' As Caius proveth it plainly out of Walsingham. 
* Quantum potuit r^nitebatuti Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 7. 

A. D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR, 49 

Chap. II. — The establishing of ecclesiastical Affairs, and 
Patriarc/ts in Antiodt and Jerusalem, The Numerosity of 
Palestine Bishops. 

BUT DOW let us leaTe the helmets, and look on the 
mitres, and consider the ordering of ecclesiastical 
afiairs. For the commonwealth is a ring, the church the 
diamond ; both well set together, receive, and return lustre 
each on other. As soon as Antioch was taken, one Bernard 
(a reverend prelate) was made patriarch there with general 
consent. But more stir was there about that place in Jeru-» 
salem ; for first Amulphus, a worthless and vicious man, 
was by popular faction lifted up into the patriarch's chair' ; 
but with much ado was avoided, and Dabert, archbishop of 
Pisa, substituted in his room : one very wise and politic, 
an excellent bookman in reading of men, and otherwise 
well studied, especially as that age went, wherein a medi- 
ocrity was an eminency in. learning. But he was infected 
with the humour of the clergy of that age, who counted 
themselves to want room except they justled with princes. 
As for Amulphus, he never ceased to trouble and molest 
this Dabert ; and as a firebrand smoketh most when out of 
the chimney, so he after his displacing was most turbulent 
and unquiet, ever sitting on his skirts that sat in the patri- 
arch's chair, till after many changes he struggled himself 
again into the place. 

Under these patriarchs many archbishops and bishops 
were appointed, in the veiy places (as near as might be) 
where they were before the Saracens overrunning the coun- 
try, and good maintenance assigned to most of them. 

But at this time bishops were set too thick for all to grow 
great, and Palestine fed too many cathedral churches to 
have them generally fat. Lydda^, Jamnia, and Joppa, 
three episcopal towns, were within four miles one of anotner. 
Yea, Tyrius^ makes fourteen bishops under the archbishop 
of Tyre, twenty under the archbishop of Caesarea, under 
the archbishop of Scythopolis nine, twelve under the arch- 
bishop of Rabbah, besides twenty-five suffragan churches, 
which it seems were immediately depending on the patri-> 
arch of Jerusalem, without subordination to any archbishop. 
Surely many of these bishops (to use Bishop Langham's 

* Fatuo populo sufiragia inconsulta ministraute. Tyrius, hb. 
9, cap. 4. 
« VideTabulas Adricomii. » Lib. 14, cap. IS. 


50 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1099 

expression^) had high racks, but poor mangers. Neither 
let it stagger the reader if in that catalogue of Tyrius he 
light on many bishops' seats which are not to be found in 
Mercator, Ortelius, or any other geographer, for some of 
them were such poor places that they were ashamed to 
appear in a map, and fall so much under a geographer's 
notice that they &11 not under it. For in that age bishops 
had their sees at poor and contemptible villages (as here m 
England, before tne Conquest, who would suspect Sunning 
in Berkshire, or Dorchester, near Oxford, to have had 
cathedral churches ?) till in the days of William the First 
bishops removed their seats to the principal towns in the 
shire 5, 

Chap. lll.-^The Saracens conquered at Askelan, 

MAHOMETS tomb hung not so strong but now it 
began to shake, and was likely to fell. These vic- 
tories of the Christians gave a deadly wound to that religion. 
Wherefore the Saracens combined themselves with the 
Turks to assist them, there being betwixt these two nations, 
I will not say an unity, but a conspiracy in the same super- 
stition, so that therein they were like a nest of hornets, 
stir one and anger all. Wherefore coming out of Egypt 
under Ammiravissus, their general, at Askelon they gave 
the Christians battle [Aug. 12]. But God sent such a 
qualm of cowardliness over the hearts of these infidels, that 
a hundred thousand of them were quickly slain, so that it 
was rather an execution than a fight; and their rich tents, 
which seemed to be the exchequer of the east country, 
spoiled^; so that the pilgrims knew not how to value the 
wealth they found in them. 

This victory obtained, such pilgrims as were disposed to 
return addressed themselves for their country; and these 
merchants for honour went home, having made a gainful 
adventure. Those that remained were advanced to signories 
in the land, as Tancred was made governor of Galilee. 
Nor will it' be amiss to insert this story : Peter, bishop of 
Anagnia, in Italy, was purposed here to lead his life with- 
out taking care for his charge, when behold St. Magnus % 
patron of that church, appeared to him in a vision, pre- 
tending himself to be a young man who had lek his wife at 

* In the Archbishops of Cant. p. 143. 

* Fox, Martyrolog. p. 173. « I'yrius, lib. 9, ciap. 12. 
^ Baronius out of Branas in anno 1099. 

A.D.1099 THE HOLY WAR. 51 

home, and was come to IWe in Jerusalem. ** Fie/' said 
Peter to him, ** go home again to your wife ; wfum God 
hath joined together, let no man put atunder/* " Why, 
then/' replied St. Magnus, '' ha^e you left your church a 
widow in Italy, and live here so hf from her company V* 
This vision, though calculated for this one bishop, did 
generally serve for all the nonresidents which posted 
hither, and who paid not the lawful debt to their con- 
science, whilst by needless bonds they engaged themselves 
to their own will-worship. For though souls of men be 
light, because immaterial, yet they may prove a heavy 
burden to these careless pastors who were to answer for 

After the return of these pilgrims, the heat of the Chris- 
tians' victories in Syria was somewhat allayed : for Boe- 
mund^ prince of Antioch, marchrag into Mesopotamia, was 
taken prisoner, and Godfrey besieging the city of Antipatris, 
then called Assur, though hitherto he had been always a 
conqueror, was fain to depart with disgrace. So small a 
remora may stay that ship which saileth with the fairest 
gale of success. 

Chap. IV. — Tfte Original and Increase of the Hospitallers; 
their degenerating through Wealth into Luxury, 

ABOUT this time, under Gerard their first master, began 
the order of Knights-hospitallers * . Indeed more anci- 
ently there were hospitallers in Jerusalem ; but these were no 
knights : they had a kind of order, but no honour annexed 
to it ; but were pure alms-men, whose house was founded, 
and they maintained, by the charity of the merchants of 
Amalphia, a city in Italy. 

But now they had more stately buildings assigned unto 
them, their house dedicated to St. John of Jerusalem^ 
Knights-hospitallers and those of St. John of Jerusalem 
being both the same ; althovigh learned Dr. Ridley^ maketh 
them two distinct orders, Jfbr which our great antiquary ^ 
doth justly reprove him. But such an error is venial ; and 
it is a greater fault rigidly to censure, than to commit 
a small oversight The one showeth himself man, in 
mistaking; the other no man, in not pardoning a light 

^ TyriuB, lib. 9, cap. SO. Idem, lib. 9, cap. 19. 

' Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165. 

* In lus View of Civil Law, p. 159. 

^ Mr. Seiden, in bis preface of Tithes, p. 6. 

52 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1099 

To make one capable of the highest order of this knight- 
hood (for their servitors and priests might be of an inferior 
rank^) the party must thus be qualified: eighteen years 
old at the least ; of an able body ; not descended of Jewish 
or Turkish parents ; no bastard, except bastard to a prince, 
there being honour in that dishonour, as there is light io 
the very spots of the moon. Descended he must be of 
worshipful parentage. They wore a red belt with a white 
cross ; and on a black cloak the white cross of Jerusalem, 
which is a cross crossed, or five crosses together, in memory 
of our Saviour's five wounds. Yet was there some difference 
betwixt their habit in peace and in war. Their profession 
was to fight against infidels, and to secure pilgrims coming 
to the sepulchre ; and they vowed poverty, chastity, and 
obedience. Reimundus de Podio, their second master, made 
some additional to their profession, as. They must receive 
the sacrament thrice a year, hear mass once a day if pos- 
sible ; they were to be no merchants, no usurers, to fight 
no private duels, to stand neuters, and to take no side, if 
the princes in Christendom should fall out'. 

But it is given to most religious orders, to be clear in the 
spring, and miry in the stream. These Hospitallers after- 
wards getting wealth, unlaced themselves from the strictness 
of their first institution, and grew loose into all licentious- 
ness. What was their obedience to their master, but 
rebellion against the patriarch their first patron ? as shall 
be showed hereafter. What was their poverty but a 
cozenage of the world, whilst their order sued in forma 
pauperis^ and yet had nineteen thousand manors in Christen- 
dom belonging unto them^ ? Neither will it be tcandakan 
magnaium to their lordships, to say what St. Bernard ^ 
speaketh of tlieir chastity, how they lived inter tcorta et 
epulaSf betwixt bawds and banquets. And no wonder if 
their forced virginity was the mother of much uncleanness ; 
for commonly those who vow not to go the highway of God's 
ordinance, do haunt base and unwarrantable by-paths. 

I will not forestall the history, to show how these Hospi- 
tallers were afterwards knights oJf Rhodes, and at this day of 
Malta, but will conclude with the ceremonies used at their 
creation, because much material stufi" no doubt may be 
picked out of their formalities. 

* Hospinian. De Orig. Mon. p. 165. 

^ Hospinian. nt prius. ' Camd. Brit. p. 311. 

7 Cited by Volateriao. 

A.D. 1099 THE HOLY WAR. 53 

There is delivered them, 1. a sword", in token that they 
must be valiant ; 2. with a cross hilt, their valour must 
defend religion ; 3. with this sword they are struck three 
times over the shoulders, to teach them patiently to suffer 
for Christ ; 4. they must wipe the swonl, their life must 
be undefiled ; 5. gilt spurs are put on them, because they 
are to scorn wealth at tneir heels; 6. and then they take a 
taper in their hands, for they are to lighten others by their 
exemplary lives ; 7. and so go to hear mass, where we leave 

At the same time knights of the sepulchre were also 
ordained, which for their original and profession are like 
to Uiese Knights-hospitallers'. The order continueth to 
this day. The padre guardian of Jerusalem maketh them 
of such as have seen the sepulchre ; they should be gentle- 
men by birth, but the padre carrieth a chancery in his 
bosom, to mitigate the rigour of this common law, and will 
admit of him that bringeth fat enough, though no blood ; 
as of late he made an apothecary of Aleppo of that honour ; 
so that there the sword of knighthood is denied to none 
who bring a good sheath with them, and have a purse to 
pay soundly for it. 

Chap. V. — The Scuffling betwixt the King and Patriarch 
about the Citif of Jerusalem. The Issue thereof. 

NOT long after, there was started a controversy of great 
consequence betwixt the king and patriarch ; the 
patriarch claiming the cities of Jerusalem and Joppa, with 
the appurtenances ; the king refusing to surrender them. 

The patriarch pleaded, that these places anciently be- 
longed to his predecessors. He set before the king the 
heinousness of sacrilege, how great a sin it was when 
princes, who should be nursing fethers and suckle the 
church, shall suck from it; and showed how the common- 
wealth may grow fat, but never healthful, by feeding on 
the church's goods. 

On the other side the king alleged, that the Christian 
princes had now purchased Jerusalem with their blood, 
and bestowed it on him; that the patriarch's overgrown 
title was drowned in this late conquest, from which, as 
from a new foundation, all must build their claims who 
challenge any right to any part in that city. Secondly, he 
pleaded, it was unreasonable that the king of Jerusalem 

• Sand. Trav. p. 229. ^ Idem, p. 159. 

64 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1099 i 


should have nothing in Jerusalem (as at this daj the 
Roman emperor is a very cipher, without power or profit 
in Rome) and should live rather as a sojourner than a 
prince in his royal city, confined to an airy title, whilst 
thepatriarch should have all the command. 

To this the patriarch answered, that the Christians' new 
conquest could not cancel his ancient right, which was 
enjoyed even under the Saracens; that this voyage was 
principally undertaken for advancing the church, and not 
to restore her only to her liberty, and withhold from her 
her lands, so that in this respect she should find better 
usage from her foes than from her children. If we mistake 
not, the chief pinch of the cause lieth on the patriarch's 
proof, that the lands he demanded formerly belonged to 
bis predecessors ; and we find him to fail in the main issue 
of the matter. True it was, that for the last thirty years, 
the patriarchs, on condition they should repair and fortify 
the walls of Jerusalem, were possessed of a fourth part of 
the city, even by grant from Bomensor the emperor of the 
Saracens, in the year of our Lord 1063. But that ever he 
had the whole city, either by this or by any previous grant, 
it appeareth not in Tyrius, who saith moreover*. We 
wonder for what reason the lord patriarch should raise this 
controversy against Duke Godfrey. 

Let me add, that this our author is above exception ; for 
being both a politic statesman and pious prelate, no doubt 
his pen striketh the true and even stroke betwixt king and 
patriarch. Besides, he might well see the truth of this 
matter, writing in a well proportioned distance of time 
from it Those who live too near the stones they write, 
oftentimes willingly mistake through partiality ; and those 
who live too far off, are mistaken by uncertainties, the foot- 
Siteps of truth being almost worn out with time. 

But to return to Godfrey, who though unwilling at first, 
yet afterwards not only on Candlemas day restored to the 
patriarch the fourth part of the city, but also on the Easter 
following gave him all Jerusalem, Joppa, and whatsoever 
he demanded ; conditionally that the king should hold it of 
the patriarch till such time as he could conquer Babylon, 
or some other royal city fit for him to keep his court in. 
If in the mean time Godfrey died without issue, the patri- 
arch was to have it presently delivered unto him. 

We will be more charitable than those, that say that the 

' Lib. 9, cap. 16. 

A. D. 1099 THE HOLT WAR, 55 

patriarch herein did bewitch and bemad Godfrey to make 
this large donation to him, by torturing his conscience at 
the confession of his sins^. Only we may question the 
discretion of this prince in giving a gift of so large a size ; 
for Charity's eyes must be open as well as her hands; 
though she giveth away her branches, not to part with the 

And let the reader observe, that Godfrey at the time of 
this his bountiful grant lay on his death-bed, sick of that 
irrecoverable disease which ended him. How easily may 
importunity stamp any impression on those whom desperate 
sickness hath softened 1 And if the sturdiest man nigh 
death may be affrighted into good works for fear of purga- 
tory, no wonder if devout Godfrey were pliable to any 
demand. Pierce Plowman • maketh a witty wonder, why 
friars should covet rather to confess and bury, than to 
christen children; intimating it proceeded from covetous- 
ness, there being gain to be gotten by the one, none by the 
other. And this was the age wherein the convents got their 
best living by the dying, which made them (contrary to 
all other people) most to worship the sun setting. 

Chap. VI. — Godfrey** Death and Burial, 

AUTHORS differ on the death of this noble king, some 
making him to die of that long wasting sickness, 
others of the plague'. It may be the plague took him out 
of the hands of that lingering disease, and quickly cut off 
what that had been long in fretting. He died July the 
1 8th, having reigned one year wanting five days. A prince 
valiant, pious, bountiful to the church ; for, besides what 
he gave to the patriarch, he founded canons in the Temple 
of die Sepulchre, and a monastery in the vale of Jehosha- 

We would say his death was very unseasonable (leaving 
the orphan state not only in its minority, but in its infancy), 
but that that fruit which to man's apprehension is blown 
down green and untimely, is gathered full ripe in God's 
providence. He was buried in the Temple of the Sepulchre, 
where his tomb is unviolated at this day, whether out of a 
religion the Turks bear to the place, or out of honour to 
his memory, or out of a valiant scorn to fight against dead 
bones; or perchance the Turks are minded as John king 

' Centuriatores, centur. 12, col. 490. De schism. 
^ In his Pass. 11. * P. i£milia8>Hb. 5. 

56 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1100 

of England was, who being wished by a courtier to untomb 
the bones of one who whilst he was living had been his 
great enemy, '^ Oh no," said King John, ** would all mine 
enemies were as honourably buried V* 

Chap. VII. — Baldwin chosen King, He keepeth Jerusalem 

in despite of the Patriarch,. 

GODFREY being dead, the Christians with a joint 
consent despatched an embassy to Baldwin his bro- 
ther [1100], count of Edessa (a city in Arabia', the lord 
whereof had adopted this Baldwin to be his heir) entreated 
him to accept of the kingdom ; which honourable offer he 
courteously embraced. 

A prince whose body nature cut of the largest size, being, 
like Saul% higher by the head than his subjects. And 
though the Goths had a law always to choose a short thick 
man for their king 3, yet surely a goodly stature is most 
majestical. His hair and beard brown, iace fair, with an 
eagle's nose; which in the Persian kings was anciently 
observed as a mark of magnanimity^. Bred he was a 
scholar, entered into orders, and was prebendary in the 
churches of Rheims, Liege, and Cambray ' ; but afterwards 
turned secular prince, as our Ethelwolf, who exchanged 
the mitre of Winchester for the crown of England *. Yet 
Baldwin put not off his scholarship with his habit, but 
made good use thereof in his reign. For though bookish- 
ness may unactive, yet learning doth accomplish a prince, 
and maketh him sway his sceptre the steadier. 

He was properly the first king of Jerusalem (his brother 
Godfrey never accounted more than a duke) and was 
crowned on Christmas day [Dec. 25]. The reason that 
made him assume the name of a king v^as thereby to strike 
the greater terror into the Pagans 7. Thus our kings of 
England from the days of King John were styled but lords 
of Ireland, till Henry VIII. first entitled himself king, 
because lord was slighted by the seditious rebels^. As for 
that religious scruple which Godfrey made, to wear a 
crown of gold where Christ wore one of thorns, Baldwin 
easily dispensed therewith. And surely in these things the 

» Plin. lib. 5, cap. 24. * Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 2. 

' M unst. Cosmog. lib. S, p. 264. 

* Pantal. in Vita Caroli V. * Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 1. 
^ Fox, Martyrol. p. 136. f Manst. Cosmog. p. 1008. 

® Camden, Brit. p. 732. 

A. D. 1102 THE HOLY WAR, 57 

mind is all; a crown might be refused with pride, and 
\irom with humility. 

But before his coronation there was a tough bickering 
about the city of Jerusalem. Dabert the patriarch, on the 
death of Godfrey, devoured Jerusalem and the tower of 
IDavid in his hope, but coming to take possession, found 
the place too hot for him. For Gamier earl of Gretz, in 
the behalf of King Baldwin (who was not as yet returned 
from Edessa) manned it against him. But so it happened, 
that this valiant earl died three days after, which by Dabert 
was counted a just judgment of God upon him for his 
sacrilege'. Now though it be piety to impute all events to 
God's hand, yet to say that this man's death was for such a 
sin, showeth too mucn presumption towards God, and too 
little charity towards our neighbour. Indeed if sudden 
death had singled out this earl alone, it had somewhat 
favoured their censure ; but there was then a general 
mortality in the city which swept away thousands '^ ; and 
which is most material, what this patriarch interpreted 
sacrilege, others accounted loyalty to lus sovereign. As for 
that donation of the city of Jerusalem, and tower of David, 
which Godfrey gave to the patriarch, some thought that 
this gift overthrew itself with its own greatness, being so 
immoderately large ; others supposed it was but a personal 
act of Godfrey, and therefore died with the giver, as con- 
ceiving his successors not obliged to perform it, because it 
was unreasonable that a prince should in such sort fetter 
and restrain those who should come after him. Sure it is, 
that Baldwin having both the stronger sword, and possession 
of the city, kept it perforce, whilst the patriarch took that 
leave which is allowed to losers, to talk, chafe, and com- 
plain ; sending his bemoaning letters to Boemund prince 
of Antioch*', inviting him to take arms, and by violence 
to recover the church's right ; but from him received the 
useless assistance of his pity, and that was all. 

Chap. VI II. — The Church Story during this Kirk's Reign^ 
A Chain of successive Patriarchs — DabertuSy Ebremarus^ 
Gibelliney and Amulphus, Their severed Characters, 

AFTERWARDS, this breach betwixt the king and 
patriarch was made up by the mediation of some 
friends [1102] ; but the skin only was drawn over, not dead 

» Tyriua, lib. 10. cap. 4. »« Ursperg, p. 2536. 
" Tyrius, lib. 10. 

58 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1103 

flesh drawn out of the wound, and Arnulphus (whom we 
mentioned hefore), discontented for his loss of the patriarch's 
place, still kept the sore raw hetwixt them. At last 
bahertus the patriarch was fain to flee to Antioch, where 
he had plentiml maintenance allowed him by Bernard, 
patriarch of that see [1103]. But he was too high in the 
instep to wear another man's shoes, and conceived himself 
to be but in a charitable prison whilst he lived on another's 
benevolence. Wherefore hence he hasted to Rome', com- 
plained to the pope, and received from his holiness a 
command to King Baldwin to be reestablished in the 

Satriarch's place ; but returning home died by the way at 
lessina in Sicily, being accounted seven years patriarch, 
four at home, and three in banishment. 

1107.1 Whilst Dabertus was thrust out, one Ebremarus 
was made patriarch against his will by King Baldwin. A 
holy and devout man, but he had more of the dove than 
the serpent, and was none of the deepest reach. He, hear- 
ing that he was complained of to the pope for his irregular 
election, posted to Rome to excuse nimself, showing he 
was chosen against his will ; and though preferment may 
not be snatched, it needs not be thrust away. But all 
would not do ; it was enough to put him out, because the 
king put him in. Wherefore he was commanded to return 
home, and to wait the definitive sentence, which Gibellinus 
archbishop of Aries, and the pope's legate, should pronounce 
in the matter. 

Gibellinus, coming to Jerusalem, concluded the election 
of Ebremarus to be illegal and void, and was himself 
chosen patriarch in his place, and the other in reverence of 
his piety made archbishop of Caesarea. And though Ar- 
nulphus (the firebrand of this church), desired the patri- 
arch's place for himself, yet was he better content with 
Gibellinus*s election, because he was a thorough old man, 
and hoped that candle would quickly go out that was in the 

To this Gibellinus King Baldwin granted, that all places 
which he or his successors should win, should be subject to 
his jurisdiction * ; and this also was confirmed by Pope 
Paschal II. But Bernard, patriarch of Antioch, found 
himself much aggrieved hereat^, because many of these 
cities, by the ancient canon of the council of Nice, were 

* Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 4. ? Idem, lib. 11, cap. 28. 
^ BaroniuB in anno 1108. 

A.D. 1112 THE HOLY WAR. 59 

subject to his church. At last the pope took the matter 
into his hand, aud stroked the aogry patriarch of Antioch 
into gentleness with good language. He showed, how 
since the council of Nice the country had got a new face ; 
ancient mountains were buried, rivers drowned in obliyion, 
and they new christened with other names ; yea, the deluge 
of the Saracens' tyranny had washed away the bounds of 
the church's jurisdictions, that now they knew not their 
own severals, where Mahometanism so long had made all 
common and waste. He desired him therefore to be con- 
tented with this new division of their jurisdictions, especially 
because it was reasonable, that the king of Jerusalem and 
his successors should dispose of those places, which they 
should win with their own swords. Bernard, perceiving 
hereby how his holiness stood affected in the business, 
contented his conscience that he had set his title on foot, 
and then quietly let it &11 to the ground, as counting it no 
policy to show his teeth where he durst not bite. 

Gibellinus never laid claim to the city of Jerusalem, 
whether it was because in thankfulness for this large eccle- 
siastical power which King Baldwin had bestowed upon 
him, or that his old age was too weak to strive with so 
strong an adversary. He sat four years in hi5 chair, and 
Amulphus, thinking he went too slow to the grave, is 
suspected to have given him something to have mended 
his pace, and was himself substituted in his room by the 
especial favour of King Baldwin. 

1112]. This Amulphus was called mala corona^ as if all 
vices met in him to dance a round. And no wonder if the 
king, being himself wantonly disposed, advanced sach a 
man; for generally, loose patrons cannot abide to be pinched 
and pent with over-strict chaplains. Besides, it was policy 
in him to choose such a patriarch as was liable to exceptions 
for his vicioas life, that so if he began to bark against the 
king, his mouth might be quickly stopped. Amulphus 
was as quiet as a lamb, and durst never challenge his 
interest in Jerasalem from Oodirey^s donation, as fearing 
to wrestle with the king, who had him on the hip, and 
coald out him at pleasure for his bad manners. Amongst 
other vices he was a great church robber, who to make 
Emmelor his niece a princess, and to marry Eustace prince 
of Sidon, gave her the city of Jericho for her dowry, and 
lan4s belonging to his see worth five thousand crowns 
yearly. And though papists may pretend that marriage 
causeth covetousness in the clergy, yet we shall find when 

60 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1101 

the prelacy were constrained to a single life, that their 
nepbews ate more church bread than now the children of 
married ministers. Yea, some popes not only fed their 
bastards with church milk, but even cut off the church's 
breasts for their pompous and magnificent maintenance. 
And thus having dispatched the story, of the church in this 
king's reign, we come now to handle the business of the 
commonwealth entirely by itself. 

Chap. IX. — A mouniam4ike Army of new Adventurergy after 
long and hard Travail, delivered of' a Mouse. Alexius^ 

THE ^une of the good success in Palestine, summoned 
a new supply of other pilgrims out of Christendom 
SI 101 ]. Germany, and other places which were sparing at 
le first voyage, made now amends with double liberality. 
The chief adventurers were, Guelpho duke of Bavaria (who 
formerly had been a great champion of the popes against 
Henry the emperor, and from him they of the papal faction 
were denominated Guelphes ', in distinction from the impe- 
rial party which were called Gibellines). Hugh brother 
to the king of France, and Stephen, earl of Blois (both 
which had much suffered in their reputation for deserting 
their fellows in the former expedition, and therefore they 
sought to unstain their credits by going again. Stephen 
earl of Burgundy, William duke of Aquitain, Frederick 
count of Bogen, Hugh brother to the earl of Toulouse, 
besides many great prelates, Diemo archbishop of Salzburg, 
the bishops Of Millain and Pavie ^, which led fifty thousand 
out of Lombardy, the total sum amounting to two hundred 
and fifty thousand. All stood on the tiptoes of expectation to 
see what so great an army would achieve ; men commonly 
measuring victories by the multitudes of the soldiers. But 
they did nothing memorable, save only that so many went 
so far to do nothing. Their sufferings are more ramous 
than their deeds, being so consumed with plague, famine, 
and the sword, that Conrad abbot of Ursperg, who went 
and wrote this voyage, believeth that not a thousand of all 
these came into Palestine^, and those so poor that their 
bones would scarce hold together, so that they were fitter 
to be sent into an hospital than to march into the field, 
having nothing about them wherewith to affright their 

' Pantal. De Hist. Germ, part S, p. 151. 

« Ursperg. p. 237. » In Chrooico, p. 239. 

A. D. 1101 THE HOLY WAR. 61 

enemies, except it were the ghost-like ghastliness of their 
famished faces. The army that came out of Lombardy 
were so eaten up by the swords of the Turks, that no frag- 
ments of them were left, nor news to be heard what was 
become of them ; and no wonder, being led by prelates 
unexperienced in martial afiairs, which though perchance 
great clerks, were now to turn over a new leaf, which they 
had no skill to read. Luther was wont to say^, that he 
would be unwilling to be a soldier in that army where 
priests were captains, because the church, and not the camp, 
was their proper place ; whereas going to war, they willingly 
outed themselves of God*s protection, being out of their 

But the main matter which made this whole voyage 
miscarry in her travail, was the treachery of the midwife 
through whose hands it was to pass. For Alexius the 
Grecian emperor feared, lest betwixt the Latins in the 
east in Palestine, and west in Europe, as betwixt two mill- 
stones, his empire lying in the miast should be ground to 
powder. Whereupon, as these pilgrims went through his 
country, he did them all possible mischief, still under the 
pretence of kindness, (what hinderer to a false helper?) 
calling the chief captains of the army his sons, but they 
found it true, the more courtesy, the more craft. Yea, this 
deep dissembler would put off his vizard in private, and 
profess to his friends that he delighted as much to see the 
Turks and these Christians in battle, as to see mastiff dogs 
fight together ^ ; and that which side soever lost, yet he 
himself would be a gainer^. 

But when they had passed Grecia, and had crossed the 
Bosporus (otherwise called the arm of St. George), enter- 
ing into the dominion of the Turks, they were for thirty 
days exposed a mark to their arrows. And though this 
great multitude was never stabbed with any mortal defeat 
in a set battle, yet they consumed away by degrees, the 
cowardly Turks striking them when their hands were 
pinioned up in the straits of unknown passages. The 
generals bestrewed the country about with their corpses. 
Great Hugh of France was buried at Tarsus in Cilicia ; 
duke Guelpho, at Paphos in Cyprus; Diemo the arch- 
bishop of Salzburg saw his own heart cut out^, and was 

* Cited by Lampad. Mellif. Histor. part 3, p. 268. 
' BesoIduB. ' P. Emilias, p. 140. 

7 Monst. CoBiDOg. p. 640. 

62 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1101 

martyred by the Turks at Chorazin * ; and God (saith my 
author) manifested by the event, that the war was not 
pleasing unto him. 

Chap. X. — Antipatris and Casarea won by the Christians. 
The Variety of King Baldwin^s Success, 

MEANTIME King Baldwin was employed with better 
success in Palestine; for hitherto Joppa was the 
only port the Christians had ; but now by the assistance of 
the Genoan fleet (who for their pains were to have a third 
part of the spoil, and a whole street to themselves of every 
city they took*), Baldwin won most considerable havens 
along the Midland Sea. He began with Antipatris, to 
ransom the Christian honour which was mortgaged here, 
because Godfrey was driven away from hence; and no 
wonder, having no shipping^, whereas that army which 
takes a strong harbour, otter-like, must swim at sea as well 
as go on ground. 

Next he took Caesarea-Stratonis, built and so named in 
the honour of Cssar Augustus, by Herod the Great, who 
so politicly poised himself 3, that he sat upright whilst the 
wheel of fortune turned round under him. Let Antony 
win, let Augustus win, all one to him ; by contrary wind»' 
he sailed to his own ends. Caesarea taken, Baldwin at 
Rhamula put the Turks to a great overthrow. 

But see the chance of war; £ew days after at the same 
place he received a great defeat by the infidels, wherein, 
besides many others, the two Stephens, earls of Burgundy 
and Blois, were slain. This was the first great overthrow 
the Christians suffered in Palestine, and needs must blows 
be grievous to them who were not used to be beaten. The 
king was reported slain, but hme deserved to be pardoned 
for so good a lie, which for the present much disheartened 
the Christians, a great part of the soldiers' courage being 
wrapped up in the life of the general. 

Baronius (as bold as any Bethshemite to pry into the ark 
of God's secrets^) saith, this was a just punishment on 
Baldwin for detaining the church's goods'. But to leave 
hidden things to God, the apparent cause of his overthrow 
was his own rashness ^, being desirous to engross all the 

« Ursperg. p. 238. * Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 14. 

* Tyriua, lib. 9, cap. 18. ' Josephus. * 1 Sam. vi, 
' In Annal. Eccles. anno 1100, et rursus, anno 1104. 
« Tyriu8, lib. 10, cap. «0. 

A. D. 1104 THE HOLY WAR. 63 

credit alone, witboat sending for succours and supplies from 
his neighbours. He assaulted his numerous enemies with 
a handful of men, and so brake himself, with covetousness 
to purchase more honour than he could pay for. And 
herein he discovered his want of judgment, being indeed 
like an arrow well feathered, but with a blunt pile ; he 
flew swift, but did not sink deep. Thus his credit lay 
bleeding, but he quickly stanched it The Pagans, little 
suspecting to be reencountered, gave themselves over to 
mirth and jollity (as security oftentimes maketh the sword 
to fall out of their hands from whom no force could wrest 
it), when Baldwin coming on them with fresh soldiers, 
struck them with the back blo¥ra of an unexpected enemy, 
which always pierce the deepest, routed them and put 
them to the flight. This his victory followed so suddenly 
after his overthrow, that some mention not the overdirow 
at all, but the victory only; as that good horseman is 
scarce perceived to be thrown, that quickly recovereth the 

Chap. Xl,-^The Conquest of sundry fair Havens by the 
Christians. Ftokmais, etc. 

TTTHILST the king was thus busied in battle [1102], 
V v Tancred prince of Galilee was not idle, but enlarged 
the Christian dominions with the taking of Apamea and 
Laodicea. These cities in Celosyria were built by Antio- 
chus', and they agreed so well together, that they were 
called sisters ; and as in concord, so in condition they went 
hand in hand, being now both conquered together. 

Ptolemais next stooped to the Christian yoke [1104], 
so named from Ptolemeus Philometer king of Egypt ; a city 
on the Mediterranean, of a triangular form, having two 
sides washed with the sea, the third regarding the champion. 
The Genoan galleys being seventy in number, did the main 
service in conquering, and had granted them fo^ their 
reward large profits from the harbour, a church to them«> 
selves, and jurisdiction over a fourth part of the city. This 
Ptolemais was afterwards the very seat of the holy war. 
Let me mind the reader of a Latin proverb, lis Ptok' 
maica^ ; that is, a long and constant strife, so called, from 
Ptolemais, a froward old woman who was never out of 
wrangling. But may not the proverb as well be verified 

I Tyrias, lib. 10, cap. 23. Idem, cap. 38. 
' Vide Erasm. Adag. 

64 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1107 

of this city, in which there was ninescore years' fighting 
against the Turks ? 

With worse success did Baldwin count of Edessa^ and 
Earl Jooeline besiege Charran in Mesopotamia ^ ; for when 
it was ready to be surrendered, the Christian captains fell 
out amongst themselves, were defeated by the Pagans, and 
the two forenamed earls taken prisoners. This Charran is 
fiimous for Abraham's living, and his father Terah's dying 
there ^; and in the same place rich Crassus the Roman 
vomited up the sacrilegious goods he had devoured of the 
temple of Jerusalem, and had his army overthrown '. Nor 
here may we overpass, how Boemund prince of Antioch, 
with a great navy, spoiled the harbours of Grecia [1107], 
to be revenged of treacherous Alexius the emperor, v olun- 
taries for this service he had enough ^, all desiring to have 
a lash at the dog in the manger, and every man's hand 
itching to throw a cudgel at him ; who like a nut tree must 
be manured by beating, or else would never bear fruit ; 
yet on some conditions an agreement at last was made 
betwixt them 7. 

To return to Palestine. The next city that felt the 
victorious arms of the Christians was Biblus; a good 
haven, and built by Heveus, the sixth son of Canaan. 
Here Adonis was anciently worshiped, whose untimely 
death by a boar Venus so much bemoaned ; and the fable 
is moralized, when lust lamenteth the loss of beauty con- 
sumed by age. Nor did Tripoli hold out long after [1 109] ; 
so called, because jointly built by the Tyrians, Sidonians, 
and Aradites. And Berytus (since Barutus) accompanied 
her neighbour, and both of them were yielded unto the 
Christians. The king created one Bertram, a well-deserving 
nobleman, earl of Tripoli, who did homage to the king for 
his place, which was accounted a title of great honour, as 
being one of the four tetrarchies of the kingdom of Jeru- 

Chap. XII. — The Description qfSidon and Tyre ; the one 
taken, the other besieged in vain, hy Baldwin, 1110. 

SIDON is the most ancient city of Phcenicia ; and though 
the proud Grecians counted all Barbarians besides them- 
selves, yet Phcenicia was the schoolmistress of Grecia, and 
first taught her her alphabet. For Cadmus, a Phoenician 

* Tyrius, lib. 10. cap. 30. * Gen. xi. 31. 

' Josepbaa. * Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 6. ^ Idem. 

A. D. 1112 THE HOLT WAK 65 

bora, first invented and brought letters to Thebes. Sidon 
had her name from the eldest son of Canaan', and 'was 
famous for the finest crystal glasses which here were made. 
The glassy sand was fetched forty miles off, from the river 
Belas ; but it could not be made fiisile till it was brought 
hither^; whether for want of tools, or from some secret 
sullen humour therein, we will not dispute. This city 
anciently was of great renown, but her fortune being as 
brittle as her glasses, she was fain to find neck for every 
one of the monarchs' yokes ; and now at last (by the assist- 
ance of the Danish and Norwegian fleet ^) was subdued by 
the Christians [Dec. 19. 1112]. 

Flushed with this conquest, they next besieged Tyre. 
Sea and land, nature and art, consented together to make 
this city strong ; for it was seated in an island, save that it 
was tacked to the continent with a small neck of land, which 
was fortified with many walls and towers. It is questionable 
whether the strength or wealth of this city was greater; 
but out of question that the pride was greater than either. 
Here the best purples were dyed, a colour even from the 
beginning destined to courts and magistracy ; and here the 
richest clothes were embroidered and curiously wrought. 
And though generally those who are best with their fingers 
are worst with their arms, yet the Tyrians were also stout 
men, able mariners, and the planters of the noblest colonies 
in the world. As their city was the daughter of Sidon, so 
v^as it mother to Rome's rival Carthage, Leptis, Utica, 
CadiZy and Nola. ' The most plentiful proof they gave of 
their valour was, when for three years they defended them- 
selves against Nebuchadnezzar; and afterwards stopped the 
full career of Alexander's conquests ; so that his victori- 
ous army which did fly into other countries, was glad to 
creep into this city. Yet after seven months' siege (such is 
the omnipotency of industry) he forced it, and stripped this 
lady of the sea naked beyond modesty and mercy, putting 
all therein to the sword that resisted, and hanged up two 
thousand of the prime citizens in a rank along the sea- 

. Yet afterwards Tyre outgrew these her miseries, and 
attained, though not to her first giantlike, yet to a compe- 
tent proportion of greatness. At this time wherein King 
J^aldwin besieged it, it was of great strength and impor- 

» Gen. X. 15. ^ gand. Trav. p. 210. 

' Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 14. 


66 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1113 

taace» insomuch that, finding it a weight too heavy for his 
shoulders, he was fain to break off his siege and depart. 

With worse success he afterwards did rashly give batde 
to the vast army of the Persian general [1113], wherein be 
lost many men, all his baggage, and escaped himself with 
great difficulty'. 

Chap. XIII. — The pleasurable Voyages of King Baldwin, 

and his Death. 

AFTER the tempest of a long war, a calm came at last, 
and King Baldwin had a five years^ vacation of peace 
in his old age ; in which time he disported himself with 
many voyages for pleasure : as one to the Red Sea [1116], 
not so called from the redness of the water or sand, as some 
without any colour have conceited, but ftom the neigh- 
bouring^Edomites, whom the Grecians called Erythreans, 
or red men, truly translating the Hebrew name of Edomites : 
they had their name of redness from their &ther £dom '. 
And here Baldwin surveyed the country, with the nature 
and strength thereof. Another journey he took afterwards 
into Egypt* [^7], as conceiving himself engaged in 
honour to make one inroad into that country, in part of 
payment of those many excursions the Egyptians had made 
into his kingdom. He took the city of Pharamia^, anciently 
called Rameses, and gave the spoil thereof to his soldiers. 
This work being done, he began his play, and entertained 
the time with vievring that riddle of nature, the river Nile, 
whose stream is the confluence of so many wonders : first, 
for its undiscoverable fountain ; though some late geogra- 
phers, because they would be held more intelligent tiban 
others, have found the head of the Nile in their own brains, 
and make it to flow from a fountain they foncy in the moun- 
tains of the moon,' in the south of Africa ; then for the strange 
creatures bred therein, as river bulls, horses, and croco- 
diles. But the chiefest wonder is the yearly increasing 
thereof from the 17th of June to the midst of September % 
overflowing all Egypt, and the banks of all human judg- 
ment to give the true reason thereof. 

Much time Baldwin spent in beholding this river, 

' Tyrias, lib. 11» cap. 19. 

* Scalig. on Festus in iEgyptius, et Fuller, Miscell. lib. 4, 
cap. SO. * TyrioB, lib. 11, cap. 31. 

^ Calvisiua makes it to be won at the former voyage. 

* Sand. Trav. p. 94. 

A. D. 1118 THE HOLY WAR. 67 

wherein he took many fishes^ and his death in eating them ; 
for a new surfeit revived the grief of an old wound, which 
he many years before received at the siege of Ptolemais. 
His sickness put him in mind of his sins, conscience 
speaking loudest when men begin to grow speechless; and 
especially he grieved that, having another wife alive, he had 
married the countess of Sicily, the relict of Earl Roger ; 
but now, heartily sorrowful for his fault, he sent away this 
bis last wife : yet we read not that he receiyed his former 
again. Other faults he would have amended, but was pre- 
vented by death. And no doubt, where the deed could not 
be present, the desire was a sufficient proxy. He died at 
Laris, a city in the road from Egypt, and was brought to 
Jerusalem, and buried on Palm Sunday, in the Temple of 
the Sepulchre, in the eighteenth year of his reign [March 

A prince superior to his brother Godfrey in learning, 
equal in valour, inferior in judgment; rash, precipitate, 
greedy of honour, but swallowing more than he could 
digest, and undertaking what he was not able to perform ; 
little affected to the clergy, or rather to their temporal 
greatness, especially when it came in competition with his 
own ; much given to women (besides the three wives be 
had, first marrying Gutrera, an English woman ; after her 
death, Tafror, an Armenian lady; and, whilst she yet sur- 
vived, the countess of Sicily), yet he had no child : God 
commonly punishing wantouness with barrenness. For the 
rest, we refer the reader to the dull epitaph written on his 
tomb, which (like the verses of that age) runneth in a kind 
of rhythm, though it can scarce stand on true feet : — 

Rex Baldwinusy Judas alter MaccahauSy 
Spes patruBf vigor ecclesia, virttts utrmsque; 
Quern formidabantf ctd dona tributaferebant, 
Cedar^y Mgypti Dan, ac homkida Damascus; 
Proh dolor I in modko clauditur hoc tumuh. 

Baldwin, another Maccabee for might; 
Hope, help of state, of church, and both's delight ; 
Cedar, with Egypt's Dan, of him afraid. 
Bloody Damascus to him tribute paid : 
Alasl here in this tomb is laid. 

Let him who pleaseth play the critic on the divers read- 
ings; and whether by Dan be meant the Souldan, or whe^ 

* A liter Caesar. 

68 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1118 

ther it relateth to the conceit that Antichrist shall come of 
the tribe of Dan. But perchance the text is not worth a 

Chap. XIV. — Baldwin the Second chosen King, Prince 
Eustace peaceably renottnceth his Right. 

IT happened the same day King Baldwin was buried, that 
Baldwin de Burgo, his kinsman, and count of Edessa, 
came casually into the city, intending only there to keep 
his Easter, when behold the Christian princes met together 
for the election of a new king. The greater part did centre 
their suffrages on Prince Eustace, brother to the two former 
kings, but then absent in France. They alleged that it was 
not safe to break the chain of succession, where the inver* 
sion of order bringeth all to confusion ; and that it was high 
ingratitude to the memories of Godfrey and Baldwin to 
exclude their brother from the crown, especially he being 
fit in all points to be a king*, wanting nothing but that he 
wanted to be there ; that in the mean time some might be 
deputed to lock up all things safe, and to keep the keys of 
the state till he should arrive. 

On the other side, some objected the dangers of an inter" 
regnum, how when a state is headless, every malecontent 
would make head ; inconveniences in another country would 
be mischiefs here, where they lived in the mouth of their 
enemies ; and therefore to stay for a king was the vtray to 
lose the kingdom. 

Then Joceline, prince of Tiberias, a man of great autho^ 
rity, offered himself a moderator in this difference, and coun* 
selled both sides to this effect: to proceed to a present 
election, and therein to be directed, not confined by suc- 
cession ; though they missed the next, let them take one of 
Godfrey's kindred. As the case now stood, he must be 
counted next in blood that was next at hand ; and this was 
Baldwin, count of Edessa, on whom he bestowed most 
superlative praises. All were much affected with these his 
commendations, for they knew that Joceline was his sworn 
adversary, and concluded that it must needs be a mighty 
weight of worth in Baldwin, which pressed out praise from 
the mouth of his enemy ; though indeed private ends 
prompted him to speak this speech, who hoped himself to 
get the earldom of Edessa when Baldwin should be trans- 
lated to Jerusalem. However, his words took effect, and 
Baldwin hereupon was chosen king [April 2, 1118], and 

crowned on Easter day by Arnulphus, the patriarch'. 
«    .  ' , 

* Tyriua, Hb. 12, cap. 4. 

A. D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 69 

Meantime some secretly were sent to Prince Eastace to 
come and challenge the crown . But he, hearing that anothe/ 
vf^LS already in possession^ though he was on his journey 
coming, quietly went back again. A large alms, to give 
away a kingdom out of his charity to the public cause. 

l^dwin was of a proper personage, and able body, bom 
nigh KheimS) in France, son to Hugh, count of Rorstet, 
and Millesent, his wife. He was exceedingly charitable to 
the poor, and pious towards God; witness the brawn on 
his hands and knees made with continual praying : valiant 
also, and excellently well seen in all martial aliairs. 

We had almost forgotten what happened in this year, the 
death of Alexius the Grecian emperor, that arch-hypocrite 
and grand enemy of this war ; on whom we may bestow 
this epitaph :• — 

tf he of men the best doth know to live 
Who best knows to dissemble, justly then 
To thee, Alexius, we this praise must give. 
That thou to live didst know the best of men« 
And this was it at last did stop thy breath. 
Thou knew^st not how to counterfeit with death. 

His son, Calo-Johannes, succeeded him in his empire, of 
whom we shall have much cause to speak hereafter. 

Chap, XV. — The ecclesiastical Affctirs in this King*s 


ACCORDING to our wonted method, let us first rid 
out of the vTay church matters in this king's reign, that 
so we may have the more room to follow the affairs of the 
commonwealth. We left Amulphus, the last patriarch of 
Jerusalem ; since which time the bad savour of his life 
came to the pope's nose, who sent a legate to depose him. 
But Amulphus hasted to Rome with much money ', and 
there bought himself to be innocent, so that he enjoyed the 
place during his life. 

Guarimund succeeded in his place [1119], a very reli- 
gious man, by whom God gave the Christians many victo- 
ries. He called a council at Neapolis or Sichem, wherein 
many wholesome things were concluded for reformation of 
manners. Betwixt him and William, archbishop of Tyre 
(an Englishman), there arose a difference, because this 
archbishop would not receive his confirmation of him (from 
whom, by ancient right, he should take it), but from the 

^ Tyrius, lib. 11, cap. 26. 

70 THE HISTORY OF a. d, 1128 

pope, counting it the most honour to hold of the highest 
landlord. And indeed the pope for gain confirmed him, 
though he should have sent him to the patriarch. But the 
court of Rome careth not though men steal their com, so 
be it they bring it to their mills to grind. 

After Guarimund's death [1128], Stephen, abbot of St. 
John de Valia, was chosen patriarch ; once a cavalier, but 
afterward, laying down the sword, he took up the word, and 
entered into orders. He awaked the patriarch's title to 
Jerusalem, which had slept during his three predecessors, 
and challenged it very imperiously of the king^ for he was 
a man of spirit and mettle. And indeed he had too much 
life to live long. For the king, fearing what flame this spark 
might kindle, and finding him to be an active man^ gave 
him (as it is suspected) a little more active poison, which 
cut him off in the midst of his age and beginning of his 

The king coming to him when he lay on his death-bed, 
asked him how he did : to whom he answered 3, '* My lord, 
for the present I am as you would have me" [1130]. A 
cruel murder, if true ; but it is strange, that he whose hands 
(as we have said) were hardened with frequent prayer, 
should soften them again in innocent blood. Wherefore we 
will not condemn the memory of a king on doubtful evi- 
den. Tlie patriarch's place was filled with William, prior 
of the Sepulchre, a Fleming; a man bett^ beloved than 

Chap. XVI. — Knights-Templars and Teutonics insiiiuted. 

ABOUT this time the two great orders of Templars and 
Teutonics appeared in the world [1119]. The former 
under Hugh de Paganis, and Ganft'ed of St. Omer, their 
first founders. They agreed in profession with the Hospi- 
tallers, and performed it alike, vowing poverty, chastity, and 
obedience, and to defend pilgrims coming to the sepulchre. 
It is falsely fathered on St. Bernard, that he appointed them 
their rule * ; who prescribeth not what they should do^ but 
only describeth what they did*: namely, how they were 
never idle, mending their old clothes when wanting other 
employment ; never played at chess or dice, never hawked 
nor hunted, beheld no stage-plays ; arming themselves with 
faith within, with steel without ; aiming more at strength 

5 Tyrius, lib. 13, cap. 25. * Baronius, in anuo 1127, 

' Quarto et qaioto cap. exhort. 

A.D. 1119 THE HOLY WAR. 71 

than state ; to be feared, not admired ; to strike terror with 
their valour, not stir covetousness with their wealth in the 
heart of their enemies. Other sweet praises of them let 
him who pleaaeth fetch from the mouth of this mellifluous 

Indeed, at first they were very poor, in token whereof 
they gave for their seal two men riding on one horse 3. And 
hence it was, that if the Turks took any of them prisoners, 
their constant ransom was sword and a belt^ ; it hieing con- 
ceived that their poor state could stretch to no higher price. 
But after their order was confirmed by Pope Honorius (by 
the entreaty of Stephen, the patriarch of Jerusalem), who 
appointed them to wear a white garment, to which £uge- 
oius the Third added a red cross on their breast, they grew 
wonderfully rich by the bounty of several patrons ; yea, 
the king and patriarch of Jerusalem' dandled this infaint 
order so long in their laps till it brake their knees, it grew 
so heavy at last; and these ungrateful Templars did pluck 
out the feathers of those wings which hatched and brooded 
them. From almsmen they turned lords ; and though very 
valiant at first (for they were sworn ratber to die than to 
fly), afterwards laziness withered their arms, and swelled 
their bellies. They laughed at the rules of their first insti- 
tution, as at the swaddling clothes of their infancy ; neg- 
lecting the patriarch, and counting themselves too old to be 
whipped with the rod of his discipline ; till partly their 
viciousness and partly their wealth caused their final extir- 
pation, as (God willing) shall be showed hereafter ^. 

At die same time began the Teutonic order, consisting 
only of Dutchmen well descended, living at Jerusalem in 
a bouse which one of that nation bequeathed to his country- 
men that came thither on pilgrimage. In the year 1190 
their order was honoured vnth a great master, whereof the 
first was Henry a-Walpot ; and they had a habit assigned 
them to wear, black crosses on white robes : they were to 
fight in the defence of Christianity against Pagans. But 
we shall meet with them more largely in the following 

»■-■■■■  I r  I I I   . .11 ^1 

3 Weaver, Fun. Men. p. 71. * Hospin. De Orig. Mon. 
* Tyrius, lib. 12, cap. 7. ' Lib. 5» cap. 1 — 3. 

72 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1122 

Chap. XVll.-^The Christians' Variety of Success, Ttfre 
taken hy the Assistance of' the Venetians, 

IT is worth the reader's marking how this king's reign 
was chequered with variety of fortune ; for first, Roger, 
prince of Antioch ' (or rather guardian in the minority of 
young Boemund), went forth with greater courage than 
discretion; whereunto his success was answerable, being 
conquered and killed by the Turks. But Baldwin, on the 
14th of August following, forced the Turks to a restitution 
of their victory, and with a small army gave them a great 
overthrow, in spite of Gazi, their boasting general. 

To qualify the Christians' joy for this good success, Joce- 
line, unadvisedly fighting with Balak, a petty king of the 
Turks, was conquered and taken prisoner [1122] ; and 
King Baldwin, coming to deliver him, was also taken him- 
self, for which he might thank his own rashness ; for it had 
been his best work to have done nothing for a while, till 
the Venetian succours, which were not far off, had come 
to him, and not presently to adventure all to the hazard of 
a battle. 

Yet the Christians' hands were not bound in the king's 
captivity; for Eustace Grenier, chosen viceroy whilst die 
king was in durance, stoutly defended the country, and 
Count Joceline, who had escaped out of prison, fighting 
again with Bal^ at Hircapolis, routed his army, and killed 
him with his own hands. But the main piece of service 
was the taking of Tyre, which was done under the conduct 
of Guarimund, the patriarch of Jerusalem ; but chiefly by 
the help of the Venetian navy, which Michael their duke 
brought, who for their pains were to have a third part of 
the city to themselves. Tyre had in it store of men and 
munition^ but famine increasing (against whose arrows 
there is no armour of proof), it was yielded on honourable 
terms. And though perhaps hunger shortly would have 
made the Turks digest coarser conditions, yet the Christians 
were loath to anger theii enemies^ valour into desperateness. 

Next year the king returned home [June 29], having 
been eighteen months a prisoner, being to pay for his ransom 
a hundred thousand Michaelets, and for security he left his 
daughter in pawn. But he paid the Turks with their own 
money, or (which was as good coin) with the money of 
the Saracens, vanquishing Barsequen their captain at An- 

ril__L IHII_-t 1 -^ - - . __^. ■■■LllLI I 

' Tyrias, lib, 12, cap. 10. 

A. D. 1131 THE HOLY WAR. 73 

tioch [1125] : and not long after he conquered Doldequin^ 
another great commander of them at Damascus [1126]. 

To correct the rankness of the Christians^ pride for this 
good success, Damascus was afterwards by them unfortu- 
nately besieged [1130]. Heaven discharged against them 
thunder ordinance, arrows of lightning, small-shot of hail, 
whereby they being miserably wasted were forced to depart. 
And this affliction was increased when Boemund, the young 
prince of Antioch, one of great hope and much lamented, 
was defeated and slain [1131]. Authors impute these 
mishaps to the Christians* pride, and relying on their own 
strength, which never is more untrusty than when most 
trusted. True it was, God often gave them great victoriesi 
when they defended themselves in great straits : hereupon 
they turned their thankfulness into presumption, grew at last 
from defending themselves to dare their enemies on disad- 
vantages to their often overthrow : for God will not unmake 
his miracles by making them common. And may not this 
also be counted some cause of their ill success, that thev 
always imputed their victories to the material cross which 
was carried before them ;- so that Christ's glory, after his 
ascension, suffered again on the cross by their superstition. 

Chap. XVIII.— I%e Death of Baldwin the Second, 

KING Baldwin, a little before his death, renounced the 
world, and took on him a religious habit. This was 
the fashion of many princes in that age, though they did it 
for divers ends. Some thought to make amends for their 
disordered lives by entering into some holy order at their 
deaths; others, having surfeited of the world's vanity, fasted 
from it when they could eat no more, because of the impo- 
tency of their bodies; others, being crossed by the world by 
some misfortune, sought to cross the world again in re- 
nouncing of it. These, like furious gamesters, threw up 
their cards, not out of dislike of gaming but of their game ; 
and they were rather discontented to live than contented to 
die. But we must believe that Baldwin did it out of true 
devotion, to ripen himself for heaven, because he was piously 
affected from his youth, so that all his life was religiously 
tuned, though it made the sweetest music in the close. He 
died not long after, on the 22d of August, in the thirteenth 
year of his reign, and was buried with his predecessors in the 
Temple of the Sepulchre. By Morphe, a Grecian lady, his 
wife, he had four daughters, whereof Millesent was tlie 
eldest ; the second Alice, married to young Boemund, 

74 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1132 

prince of Antioch ; the third Hodiem, wife to Reimund, 
prince of Tripoli; and Mete the youngest^ abbess of 

Chap. XIX. — 0/Fulco, the fourth King ofJermaiem. 

FULCO, earl of Toors, Mam, and Anion, coming some 
three years before on pilgrimage to Jerusalem [1132], 
there took in marriage Millesent, the king's daughter. lie 
had assigned to him the city of Tyre, and some other 
princely accommodations for his present maintenance, and 
the kingdom after the death of his father-in-law, which he 
received accordingly. He was well nigh sixty years old, 
and by his first wife he had a son, Geffrey Plantagenet earl 
of Anjou, to whom he left his lands in France, and from 
whom our kings of England are descended. This Fnlco 
was a very valiant man, able both of body and mind. His 
greatest defect was a weak memory (though not so bad as 
that of Messala Corvinus', who forgot his own name), 
insomuch that he knew not his own servants, and those 
whom he even now preferred were presently after strangers 
unto him. Yet though he had ' a bad memory whilst he 
lived, he hath a good one now he is dead^ and his virtues 
are £Eimous to posterity. 

Chap. XX. — The Church Story during this King*8 Reign, 
The remarkable Ruin of Rodofyhus, Patriarch ofAntiock, 

THE church of Jerusalem yielded no alterations in the 
reign of Fulco. But in Antioch there was much 
stir who should succeed Bernard, that peaceable long-lived 
roan, who sat thirty-six years, and survived eight patriarchs 
of Jerusalem. Now, whilst the clergy were tedious in their 
choice, the laity was too nimble for them, and they (thinking 
it equal to have a hand in making, who must have their 
arms in defending a patriarch) clapped one Rodolphus, of 
noble parentage, into the chair^ [1136]. He presently took 
his pall off from the altar of St. reter, thereby sparing both 
his purse and pains to go to Rome, and acknowledging no 
other superior than that apostle for his patron. This man 
was the darling of the gentry (and no wonder if they loved 
him who was of their cloth and making), but hated of the 
clergy. Wherefore knowing himself to need strong arms 
who was to swim against the stream, he wrought himself 

> Plin. lib. 7, cap. 24. « Tyrius, lib. Id. 

A. D. 1136 THE HOLY WAR. 75 

into th^ fiivour of the princess of Antiocb, the widow of 
young Boemaod, so that he commanded all her command, 
and beat down his enemies with her strength. He promised 
to make a marriage betwixt her and Reimund, earl of 
Poictou (a Frenchman of great fiune, who was coming into 
these parts), but he deceived her, and caused the eari to 
many Constantia, the daughter of this lady, by whom he 
had the principality of Antioch* Indeed this Constantia 
was but a child for age ; but they never want years to marry 
who have a kingdom for their portion. 

The patriarch, to make sure work, bound Pfince Reimund 
by an oath to be true to him ; but friends unjustly gotten 
are seldom comfortably enjoyed. Of his sworn friend he 
proved his sworn enemy, and forced him to go up to Rome, 
there to answer many accusations laid to his charge, wherein 
the groundwork perchance was true, though malice might 
set the varnish on it. The main matter was, that he miuie 
odious comparisons betwixt Antioch and Rome, and counted 
himself equal to his holiness. 

Rodolphus, coming to Rome, found the pope's doors shut 
against him, but he opened them with a golden key. 
Money he sowed plentifully, and reaped it when he came to 
be tried ; for he found their hands veiy soft towards him 
whom formerly he had greased in the fist. He also resigned 
his old pall, and took a new one from the pope. As for 
his other crimes, it was concluded that Albericus, bishop of 
Ostia, should be sent into Syria the pope's legate, to examine 
matters, and to proceed accordingly with the patriarch, as 
things there should be found alleged and proved ; whereat 
his adversaries much stormed, who expected that he should 
instantly have been deposed. 

Yet afterwards they prevailed mightily with Albericus, 
the legate, and bowed him on their side. He, coming to 
Antioch, cited the patriarch to appear, who, being thrice 
called, came not. On his absence all were present with 
their conjectures what should cause it; some imputing it to 
his guiltiness, others to his contempt, others to his fear of 
his enemy's potency, or judge's partiality, for indeed the 
legate came not with a virgin judgment, but ravished with 
prejudice, being prepossessed with this intent to dispossess 
nim of his place. Some thought he relied on his peace 
formerly made at Rome, where the illegality of his election 
was rectified by his laying down his first pall, and assuming 
a new one firom the pope. 

Here was it worth the beholding in what several streams 

76 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1141 

men^s affections ran^ Ail wished that the tree might be 
felled, who had hopes to gather chips by his fall, and espe- 
cially one Arnulphus, and Dean Lambert, the promoters 
against the patnarch. Others pitied him, and, though 
perchance content that his roof might be taken down, were 
loath he should be razed to the grounds Some reserved their 
affections till they were counselled by the event which side 
to favour, and would not be engaged by any manifest 
declaration, but so that they might fairly retreat if need 
required. Amongst other prelates which were present, 
Serlo, archbishop of Apamea, was one, who formerly had 
been a great enemy to the patriarch, but had lately taken 
himself off from that course. The legate demanded of him 
why he proceeded not to accuse the patriarch as he was 
wont; to whom he answered*, " What formerly I did was 
done out of unadvised heat against the health of my soul, 
discovering the nakedness of my father, like to cursed Ham ; 
and now God hath recalled me from mine error: so that I 
will neither accuse, nor presumptuously judge him, but am 
ready to die for his safety.'' Hereupon the legate immedi- 
ately (such was the martial law in a churchman) deposed 
him from his archbishopric. Little hope then had the 
patriarch, who saw himself condemned in his friend : and he 
himself followed not long after', being thrust out by vio- 
lence, cast into prison, and there long kept in chains, till at 
last he made an escape to Rome, intending there to traverse 
his cause again, had not death (occasioned by poison, as is 
thought) prevented him [1141]* 

Chap. XXI. — CalO'Johannes, the Grecian Emperor, tie- 
mandeth Antioch, Reimundy the Prince thereof, doeth 
Homage to him for it. 

CALO-JOHANNES, the Grecian emperor, came up 
with a vast army of horse and foot' [1136], and de- 
manded of Reimund, prince of Antioch, to resign unto him 
that whole signory, according to the composition which the 
Christian princes made with Alexius, his father^. 

Hereat Reimund and all the Latins stormed out of 
measure: had they purchased the inheritance of the land 
with their own blood, now to turn tenants at will to another 'i 
II  . . I . I . I. ■« I 1 1 , .. 1 - II II .. .1 I 1 

^ Baronius^ in anno 1136. * Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 1& 

* Tyrius, lib. 15, cap. 17, * Idem, lib. 14, cap. 14. 

* Vide supra, book 1, chap. 15. 

A. D. 1140 THE HOLY WAR. 77 

Some pleaded that the ill usage of Alexius' extorted firom 
Godfrey and the rest of the pilgprims that agreement, and 
an oath made by force is of no force, but may freely be 
broken, because not freely made. Others alleged that when 
Antioch was first won, it was offered to Alexius, and he 
refused it"^ ; so fair a tender was a payment. Others argued 
that that generation which made this contract was wholly 
dead, and that the debt descended not on them to make 
it good. But most insisted on this, that Alexius kept not 
his covenants, and assisted them not according to the agree* 
ment. Indeed he called these princes his sons, but he 
disinherited them of their hopes, and all their portion was 
in promises never paid. No reason then that the knot of 
the agreement should hold them fast, and. let him loose. 

The worst of these answers had been good enough, if their 
swords had been as strong as the Grecian emperor^s. But he 
coming with a numerous army, in few days overcame all 
Cilicia (which for forty years had belonged to the prince of 
Antioch), and then besieged the city of Antioch itself. 
Force is the body, and resolution the soul of an action : 
both these were well tempered together in the emperor's 
army, and the city brought to great distress ; whereupon 
Fulco, king of Jerusalem, with some other princes, fearing 
what woful conclusion would follow so violent premises, 
made a composition between them ; so that Reimund did 
homage to the emperor, and held his principality as a vassal 
from him. And though four years after the emperor came 
again into these parts [1140], yet he did not much harm ; 
pillaging was all his conquest. Some years after he died, 
being accidentally poisoned by one of his own arrows, 
which he intended for the wild boar. A prince so much 
better to the Latins than his father Alexius, as an honourable 
foe is above a treacherous friend. His empire he disposed 
to Emmanuel, his son. 

Chap. XXII. — The Succession of the Turkish Kings and the 
Saracen Caliphs. Of the unlimited Power of a Souldan. 
Some Resemblance thereof anciently in the Kingdom of 

NO great service of moment was performed in the reign 
of King Fulco, because he was molested with domesti- 
cal discords, and intestine wars against Paulinus coilmt of 

- "1 r i --  I iiii 

* Ursperg. p. 233, tortis sacramentis. 

* Vide supra, book 1, chap. 15. 


Tripoli, and Hugh earl of Joppa; only Beersbeba was 
fortified^ and some forts built about Askelon, as an intro- 
duction to besiege it. Also skirmishes were now and then 
fought with variety of success against Sanguin, one of the 
Turks' great princes. 

And here let the reader take notice, that though we have 
mentioned many commanders, as Auxianus, Corboran, 
Ammiiavissus, Tenduc, Gazi, Balak, Dordequin, Borscquin, 
Sanguin, some Turkish, some Saracen, yet none of mese 
were absolute kings (though perchance in courtesy some- 
times so styled by writers), but were only generals and lieu- 
tenants accountable to their superiors, the caliphs either of 
Babylon or Egypt. Who what mey were, we refer the reader 
to our chronology. 

Caliph was the pope (as I may say) of the Saracens, a 
mixture of priest and prince. But we need not now trouble 
ourselves with curiosity in their successions, these caliphs 
being but obscure men, who confined themselves to plea- 
sures, making play their work, and having their constant 
diet on the sauce of recreation. We are rather to take 
notice of their generals and captains, which were the men 
of action. For a souldan (which was but a viceroy), with 
his borrowed Ught, shineth brighter in history than the 
caliph himself, yet may we justly wonder that these slothful 
caliphs should do nothing themselves, and commit such 
unlimited power to their souldans,especially seeing too much 
trust is a strong temptation to make ambitious flesh and 
blood disloyal. Yet something may be said for the caliph 
of Egypt, besides that the pleasures of that country were 
sufficient to invite him to a voluptuous life". First, the 
awful regard which the Egyptians had of their princes gave 
them security to trust their officers with ample commission. 
Secondly, herein they followed an ancient custom practised 
by the Pharaohs anciently, who gave unto Joseph so large 
authority, as we may lead in Genesis^. Some example also 
we have hereof in r ranee about nine hundred years ago. 
Childeric, Theodoric, Clevis, Childebert, Dagobert, &c. a 
chain of idle kings well linked together, gave themselves 
over to pleasures privately, never coming abroad ; but only 
on May-day they showed themselves to the people, riding 
in a chariot, adorned with flowers, and drawn with oxen 
(slow cattle, but good enough for so lazy luggage) whilst 

* Sir Walter Raleigh, part 1, book 2, chap. ti6, 
3 Gen. xli. 40. 

A. D. 1143 THE HOLY WAR. 79 

Charles Martell and Pipio, mayors of the palace, opened 
packets, gave audience to embassadors, made war or peace, 
enacted and repealed laws at pleasure, till afterwards, from 
controllers of the king^s housenold, they became controllers 
of the kings, and at last kings themselves. 

To return to Egypt. Let none be troubled (pardon a 
charitable digression to satisfy some scrupulous in a point 
of chronology) if they find anciently more kings of the 
Egyptians, and longer reigning than the c<Misent of times 
will allow room for : for no doubt that which hath swelled 
the number, is the counting deputies for kings. Yea, we 
find the Holy Spirit, in the same breath, speak a viceroy to 
be a king and no king; There was no Iwig in Edom; a 
deputy wa$ king 3. 

Chap. XXIIL^TAe lamentable Death of King Fulco. 

WHEN Fulco had now eleven years with much in- 
dustry and care (though with little enlarging of his 
dominions) governed the land, he was slaih in earnest as 
following his sport in hunting, to the great grief of his sub- 
jects H 1142 J. And we may hear him thus speaking his 
epitaph : 

A hare I hunted, and death hunted me ; 

The more my speed was, was the worse my speed : 

For as well-mounted I away did flee. 

Death caught and kill'd me, falling from my steed. 
Yet this mishap a happy miss I count, 
That fell from horse that I to heaven might mount. 

A prince of a sweet nature ; and though one would have 
read him to be very furious by his high-coloured countenance, 
yet his face was a good hypocrite ; and (contra leget istius 
coloris, saith Tyrius^) he was affable, courteous, and pitiful 
to all in distress. He was buried with his predecessors in 
the Temple of the Sepulchre, leaving two sons, Baldwin who 
was thirteen, and Almerick seven years old. 

Chap. XXIV.— TAe Di^ition of Baldwin the Third. The 
Care of Queen Mtllesent in her Son^s Minority, 

BALDWIN succeeded his father [1143], who quickly 
grew up, as to age, so in all royal accomplishments, 
and became a most complete prince; well learned, espe- 

' 1 Kings, zxii. 47. MeUk in both. 

' Tyrius, lib. 15. cap. ult. ' Lib. 14. cap. 1. 

80 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1143 

cially in history; liberal ; very witty and very pleasant in 
discourse ; he would often give a smart jest, which would 
make the place both blush and bleed where it lighted : yet 
this was the better taken at his hands, because he cherisbed 
not a cowardly wit in himself, to wound men behind their 
backs, but played on them freely to their &ces ; yea, and 
never refused the coin he paid them in, but would be 
contented (though a king) to be the subject of a good jest : 
and sometimes he was well-favouredly met with ' ; as the 
best fencer in wit^s school hath now and then an unhappy 
blow dealt him. Some thought he descended beneath him- 
self in too much femiliarity to his subjects : for he would 
commonly call and salute mean persons by their names : 
but the vulgar sort, in whose judgments the lowest stars are 
ever the greatest, conceived him to surpass all his prede- 
cessors, because he was so fellow-like with them. 
- But whilst yet he was in minority, his mother Millesent 
made up his want of age with her abundant care, being 
governor of all : a woman in sex, but of a masculine spirit. 
She continued a widow: and as for children's sake she 
married once, so for her children's sake she married no 
more. St. Bernard and she spake often together by letters^ : 
he extolled her single life, how it was more honour to live a 
widow, than to be a queen]: this she had by birth, that by 
God's bounty ; this she was happily begotten, that she had 
manfully gotten of herself^. Yet we find not that she made 
a vow never to marry again ; wherein she did the wiser : 
for the chastest minds cannot conclude, from the present 
calm, that there will never after arise any lust&l storm in 
their souls. Besides, a resolution is a free cpstody ; but a 
vow is a kind of prison, which restrained nature hath the 
more desire to break. 

Chap. XXV, — Of Fukher Patriarch of Jerusalemy and the 
Insolence of the Hospitallers against him. 

WILLIAM, who was last possessed of the patriarch's 
chair in Jerusalem, was none of the greatest clerks. 
But whatsoever} he was for edifying of the church, he was 
excellent at building of castles (one at Askelon, another at 
Ramula, a third called Blank-guard for the securing of pil- 
grims), till at last, having sat in his place fifteen years, he 

> Tyrius, lib. 16, cap. 2. ^ Epist. 206, col. 1569. 

® Illud tibi ex genere, istud ex munere Dei ; illud feliciter 
nata es, hoc viriliter oacta. Epist. 289. col. 1622. 

A.D.1156 THE HOLY WAR. 81 

was translated to heaven [1145], and on earth Fulcher 
archbishop of Tyre succeeded him. An honest old man, 
whose weak age was much molested with the pride and 
rebellion of the Hospitallers, who lately had procured from 
the pope a plenary exemption from the patriarch. This his 
holiness did the more willingly grant, because hereby he 
made himself absolute master of all orders, pinning them 
on himself by an immediate dependence, and so bringing 
water to his mill by straighter and nearer stream* But hereby 
the entireness of episcopal jurisdiction was much maimed 
and mangled, and every convent was a castle of rebels, armed 
with privileges to fight against their lawful diocesan. 

Now as these Hospitallers wronged the power of the 
bisbopsy 80 did they rob the profit of poor priests, refusing 
to pay any tithea.of their manors, which contained many 
parishes (so that the pastors who fed the flocks were 
starved themselves; and having laboured all day in the 
vineyard, were at night. sent supperless to -bed), the Hospi* 
tallers pleading that the pope had freed them from these 
duties ; as if an acquittance under the hand of his holiness 
was sufficient to discharge them from paying of tithes, a 
debt due to God. Other foul crimes they also were guilty 
of: as, outbraving the Temple of the Sepulchre with their 
stately buildings ; giving the sacraments to and receiving of 
excommunicated persons ; ringing their bells when their pa- 
triarch preached, that his voice might not be heard ; shooting 
arrows into the church to disturb him and the people in 
divine service * ; a bundle Vhereof were hung up as a mo- 
nument of their impiety [1156]. 

Fulcher the patriarch crawled to Rome, being a hundred 
years old, to complain of these misdemeanours; carrying 
with him the archbishop of Tyre and five other bishops* 
But he had sped better, if instead of every one of them he 
had carried a bag of gold. For the Hospitallers prevented 
him, and had formerly been effectually present with their 
large bribes, so that the patriarch's suit was very cold ; and 
no wonder, seeing he did afford no fuel to heat it. The 
cardinals' eyes in the court of Rome were old and dim ; and 
therefore the glass wherein they see any thing must be well 
silvered. Indeed two of them, Octavian, and John of St. 
Martin, favoured Christ's cause and his ministers, but all 
the rest followed gifts, and the way of Balaam the son of 

* Tyrius, lib. 18. cap. 3. 


82 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1142 

fiosor'. But here Baronius^, who hitherto had leaned on 
Tyrius 's authority, now starteth from it : and no wonder, 
for his pen will seldom cast ink, when he meeteth with the 
corruption of the Romish court. But sure it was, that the 
good patriarch, wearied with delays, returned back wi^ his 
grievances unredressed. Whereupon the Hospitallers grew 
more insolent; and, under pretence of being freed from 
fetters, would wear no girdle ; denying not only subjection, 
but any filial obedience to a superior. 

Chap. XXVI.— 0/' Almericus Patriarch of Antioch, his 
instituting ofCarmeUtes, Their differing Jrom the Pattern 

AFTER the tragical life and death of Rodolphus path* 
areh of Antioch J^1142], who was twelve years patri- 
arch, counting his banishment, Haymericus by die contrary 
faction and power of Prince Reimund succeeded him, with 
little quiet and comfort of his place. 

And here, to our grief, must we take our final fiirewell of 
the distinct succession of the patriarchs of Antioch, with the 
years that they sat ; such is the obscurity and confiision of 
it. Yet no doubt this Haymericus was the same with Al- 
mericus', who about the year 1160 first instituted the order 
of Carmelites. Indeed formerly they lived dispersed about 
the mountain of Carmel : but he gathered them together 
into one house; because solitariness is a trespass against the 
nature of man, and God, when he had made all things good, 
saw it was not good for man to be alone. 

Surely from great antiquity in the primitive chureb, many 
retired themselves to solitary places (where they were always 
alone, and always in the company of good thoughts) chiefiy J 
to shade themselves from the neat of persecution^. Whose 
example was in after ages imitated by others, when, there 
was no such necessity : as here by these Carmelites, whose 
order was afterwards perfected in the year 1216, by Albert 
patriarch of Jerusalem, with certain canonical observations 
imposed upon them. And in the next age, these bees, which 
first bred in the ground and hollow trees, got them hives 
in gardens ; and, leaving the deserts, gained them princely 

^ Alii omnes abeuntes post munera, secuti sunt vias Balaam 
filii Bosor. Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 8« 

* Anaal. Eccles. in anno 1155. 

* Cooipare Baronius with himself in these years, 1143, 1154, 
1181, ana we shaU find Haymericus and Almericus the same. 

» PoUd. Virg. lib. 7, cap. 3. Sabel. Enn. 9, lib. 6. Hospin. 
De Orig. Mon. 

A. D. 1142 THE HOLY WAR. 83 

houses in pleasant places. They pretended indeed that 
they followed the pattern of Ellas, though far enough from 
his example* First, for their habit, they wore white coats 
guaiided with red streaks' : but they have no colour in the 
Bible that Elias ever wore such a livery; it suits rather 
with Joseph than with him. Secondly, by their order they 
were to ride on he-asses ; whereas we read that Elias went 
on foot, and rode but once in a chariot of fire. Thirdly, 
they by the constitution of Pope Nicholas V. had sisters of 
their company living near unto them^ ; we find Elias to have 
no such feminine consorts. Fourthly, they lived in all lust 
and laziness, as Nicolas Gallus their own general did com- 
plain' that they were Sodomites, and compareth them to 
the tail of the dragon : so that dieir luxury di£fered from 
Elias's austerity, as much as velvet from sackcloth. Where* 
fore that the Carmelites came from mount Carmel cannot be 
denied: but on that mountain I find that both Elias and 
Baal's priests gathered together; and let the indifferent 
reader judge which of them their lives do most resemble. 

Afterwards Pope Honorius III. counting the party-co- 
loured coats these Carmelites did wear to be too gaudy, 
caused them to wear only white, the colour which nature 
doth dye ; simple, and therefore fittest for religion. But 
Melexala king of Egypt, who formerly vras very bountiful 
to the Carmelites, knew not his almsmen in their new coats, 
but changed his love, as they their livery, and persecuted 
them out of all Egypt. It seemeth afterwards, by the com- 
plaint of Mantuan, that they wore some black again over 
their white : for he playeth on them, as if their bad manners 
had blacked and altered their clothes^. 

Now, though Palestine was their mother, England was 
their best nurse. Ralph Fresburg, about the year 1240, 
first brought them hither; and they were first seated at 
Newenden in Kent^. A hundred and forty English 
writers have been of this order ^. And here they flourished 
in great pomp, till at last King Henry VIII., as they came 
out of the wilderness, so turned their houses into a wilder- 
ness ; not only breaking the necks of all abbeys in England, 
but also scattering abroad their very bones, past possibility 
of recounting them. 

^ Antontus, tit. 20. cap. 5. * BaleBos in Vita Nicol. V* 
. A Vide BaliBttin, centur. 4, cap. 42, in append. 2. 
^ Eclog. 2. Immutanint mutati vellera mores. 
7 Yet Camden saith they were first seated in Northumberland. 
^ Pitsaeus, in indice Carm* 

84 THE HISTOUT of a.d. 114T 

Chap. XXWIl.-^ Edes$a lott. The hopeful Votfoge of Con* 
rod the Emperor and Louii King of France^ to the Hol^ 
handy blotted by the Perjidioutnett of Emmanuel the 
Grecian Emperor, 

EMPIRES have their set bounds, whither when they 
come, they stand still, go back, fall down ; this we 
may see in the kingdom of Jerusalem, which under Godfrey 
and the two first Baldwins was a gainer, under Fulco a 
saver, under the succeeding kings a constant loser, till all 
was gone. For now Sanguin, prince of the Turks (as 
bloody as his name), wrested from the Christians the 
country and city of Edessa, one of the four tetrarchies of 
the kingdom of Jerusalem. And though Sanguin shortly 
after was stabbed at a feast, yet Noradin his son succeeded, 
and exceeded him in cruelty against the Christians. 

The loss of Edessa [1147] (wherein our religion had 
flourished ever since the apostles' time*) moved Conrad, 
emperor of the West, and Louis VII. surnamed the Young, 
kiDg of France, to undertake a voyage to the Holy Land. 
Pope Eugenius III. bestirred himself in the matter, and 
made St. Bernard his solicitor to advance the design. For 
never could so much steel have been dravm into the east, 
had not this good man*s persuasion been the loadstone : the 
emperor*s army contained two hundred thousand foot, 
besides fifty thousand horse ; nor was the army of King Louis 
much inferior in number. In France they sent a distaff 
and a spindle to all those able men that went not with them, 
as upbraiding their effeminateness^ ; and no wonder, when 
women themselves went in armour (having a brave lass, like 
another Penthesilea, for their leader, so befringed with gold 
that they called her Golden-foot 3), riding astride like men ; 
which I should count more strange, but that I find all 
women in England in the same posture on their horses, till 
Anna^, wife to King Richard li., some two hundred years 
since, taught them a more modest behaviour. The Turks 
•did quake, hearing of these preparations, which to them 
were reported far greater than they were, &me (contrary to 
all other painters) making those the greatest which are pre- 
sented the farthest off. 

^ Christiano nomini a temporibus ApoBtolorura devota. Tyri- 
«8, lib. 16, cap. 5. ' P. JEnal. in Ladov. VII» ^ 

' Nicetas, in Emm. Comn. xpvoorrfig, 
* Camd. Britan. in Surrey. 

A. D. 1147 THE HOLY WAR. 85 

Conrad, with his army, took his way through Grecia; 
Mrhere EmmaDuel, the emperor, possessed with an hereditary 
fear of the Latins, fortiiied his cities in the way, as knowing 
there needed strong banks where such a stream of people 
Mras to pasSi And suspecting that if these pilgrims often 
made his empire their highway into Palestine, little grass 
^vould grow m so trodden a path, and his country thereby 
be much endamaged, he used them most treacherously, 
giving them bad welcome, that he might no more have such 
guests. To increase their miseries, as the Dutch encamped 
by the river Melas' (if that may be called a river which is 
all mud in summer, all sea in winter), deserving his name 
from this black and dismal accident, it drowned many with 
its sudden overflowings, as if it had conspired with the 
Grecians, and learned treachery from them. 

They that survived this sudden mishap were reserved for 
lingering misery. For the Grecian emperor did them all 
possible mischief, by mingling lime with their meal, by 
killing of stragglers, by holding intelligence with the Turks 
their enemies, by corrupting his coin, making his silver as 
base as himself (so that the Dutch sold good wares for bad 
money, and bought bad wares with good money), by giving 
them iklse conductors, which trained them into danger, so 
that there was more fear of the guides than of the vray. All 
which his unfaithful dealings are recorded by that faithful 
historian Nicetas Choniates ^ ; who, though a Grecian born, 
afBrmidi these things ; the truth of his love to his country* 
men no whit prejudicing his love to the truth. 

Chap. XXVIII.— 2%e Turks conquered at Meander. The 
Dutch and French arrive in Palestine. 

SCARCE had the Dutch escaped the treachery of the 
Greeks, when they were encountered with the hostility 
of the Turks, who waited for them on the other side of 
Meander. The river was not fordable; ship or bridge the 
Christians had none: when, behold, Conrad the emperor 
adventured on an action, which, because it was successful, 
shall be accounted valiant, otherwise we should term it 
desperate. After an exhortation to his army, he com- 
manded them all at once to flounce into the river ^ . Meander 
was plunged by their plunging into it: his water stood 
amazed, as unresolved whether to retreat to the fountain or 

^ ^ic^tas, at prius, ' In Vita Manael. Comn. lib. 1, $ 5, 
1 Knolles, Turk. Hist. p. S3. 

86 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1147 

proceed to the sea, and in this ecstasy afforded them a dry 
passage oTer the stream* ; an act, which like that of Hora- 
tius Cocles's leaping into Tiber ^^ pha famm ad potterm 
habitunm quam fiddy will find more admirers than be- 
lievers with posterity. The affiighted Turks, on the other 
side> thinking there was no contending with them that did 
teach nature itself obedience, offered their throats to the 
Christians' swords, and were killed in such number, that 
whole piles of dead bodies remain there for a monanaent; 
like those heaps of the Cimbrians slain by Marius, near 
Marseilles, where afterwards the inhabitants walled their 
vineyards with sculls, and guarded their grapes with dead 
men^. Hence Conrad made forward to Iconium, now 
called Cogni, which he besieged in vain, to the great loss 
of his army. 

The king of France followed after with great multitudes, 
and drank of the same cup at the Grecians' hands, though 
not so deeply; till at last, finding that those who marched 
through the continent met with an ocean of misery, he 
thought better to trust the wind and sea than the Greeks ; 
and, taking shipping, safely arrived in Palestine, where he 
vras highly welcomed by Reimund, prince of Antioch. 
Some weeks were spent in complying, entertainments, and 
visiting holy places ; till at last, Eleanor, wife to the king of 
France, who accompanied her husband, made religion her 
pander, and played bankrupt of her honour'; under pre^ 
tenoe of pilgrimage, keeping company with a base Saracen 
jester, wnom she preferred before a king. Thus love may 
blindfold the eyes, but lust boreth them out. Yea, now she 
pleaded that she might be no longer wife to the king, 
because she was too near unto him, within the degrees for- 
bidden. This new started scruple never troubled her before ; 
but some have sluices in their consciences, and can keep 
them open, or shut them as occasion required. 

Chap* XXIX.— Domasct^ besieged in vain. The Return 
of the Ermperor and King; with the Censure on this 

THE late come pilgrims having sufficiently. .recreated 
themselves, the emperor and the king of France con- 
cluded to besiege Damascus : for a small town was con- 

^ Nicetas, in Man. Comn. lib. 1, $ 6. ' Liv. lib. 2« 

* MuQst. Cosmog. lib. 2, p. 227, 
• * Serres, traasUted by Grimston, in Vita Ludov, VII, and 
P. i£miliu8, in ejusdem Vita. 

A. D. 1148 THE HOLY WAR, 87 

ceived too Darrow an object of their valour, whibt so 
eminent an action was adequate to the undertakers. Da- 
mascus is so pleasant a city^ that Mahomet durst never 
enter it, lest this deceiver should be deceived himself, and 
be so ravished with the pleasures of the place, that he should 
forget to go on in that great work he had in hand. Some 
make Eliezer, Abraham's steward, builder of this city, 
because he is called Eliexer of Damascus; though that 
phrase speaketh him rather to have had his birth or dwell- 
ing there, than the ciW her building from him. To pass 
this by, because as the roundations are hidden in the ground, 
so the founders of most ancient places are fbigotten. It 
was for many years after the metropolis of Syria, and was 
now straitly besieged by the Christians with great hope of 
success [1148], had they not afterwards fallen out amongst 
themselves who should eat the chickens before they were 
hatched. Conrad and King Louis destined the city to 
Tbeodoric, earl of Flanders, lately arrived in those parts ; 
whilst other princes which had been long resident in Pales- 
tine, and borne the heat of the war, grudged hereat ; and 
their stomachs could not digest the crudity of a raw upstart 
to be preferred before them. • Yea, some of the Christians, 
corrupted with Turkish money (though when they received 
it, it proved but gilded brass' ; may all traitors be paid in 
such coin !), persuaded the king of France to remove his 
camp to a stronger part of the walls; which they long 
besieged in vain, and returned home at last, leaving the city 
and £eir honours behind them. 

The French proverb was verified of this voyage, '^ Much 
bruit and Uttle fruit." They not only did no good in the 
Holy Land (save that some think their coming advantaged 
King Baldwin for the taking of the city of Askelon^), but 
also did much harm. For now the Turks, seeing one city 
both bear the brunt and batter the strength of both armies, 
began to conceive that their own fear was their greatest 
enemy ; and those swords of these new julgrims which they 
dreaded in the sheath, they slighted wnen they saw them 
drawn, and shook off that awe which had formerly pos- 
sessed them, of the strength of the western emperor. Many 
thousand Christians perished in this adventure, whose souls 
are pronounced by all the writers of this age to be carried up 
into heaven on the wings of the holy cause they died for ; 

^ Theodor. d Niein De PriTilegiis Imperii, cap. de Con' 
rado 4. * Sabellicus. 

88 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1148 

whose blessed estate I will not disprove; nof will I listen 
to die unhappy Dutch proverb, ** He that bringeth himself 
into needless dangers, dieth the devil's martyr^/' 

We must not forget how the French king, coming home-> 
ward, was taken prisoner by die fleet of the Grecian empe^ 
ror, and rescued again by Gregory, admiral to Roger king 
of Sicily. When he was safely arrived in France, in open 
parliament his wife was divorced from him« Her nearness 
m blood was the only cause specified ; and the king took 
no notice of her inconstancy, accounting those but foolish 
husbands who needlessly proclaim their wives' dishonesty. 
He gave her back again ail the lands in France which he 
had received with her in portion, scorning her wealth which 
neglected his love. Herein he did nobly, but not politicly, 
to part with the dukedoms of Poictou and Aquitain, which 
he enjoyed in her right ; for he brake his own garland by 
giving her her flowers back again; mangled and dismem^^ 
bered his own kingdom, and gave a torch into Henry king 
of England's hands (who afterwards married her) to set 
France on fire*. 

Chap. XXX. — An Apology for ^ St, Bernard, whotn the vid^ 
gar Sort condemned for the Murderer of those that went 
this Voltage* 

SLANDER (quicker than martial law) arraigneth, con- 
demneth, and executeth all in an instant This we may 
see in poor St. Bernard, who was the mark for every man's 
tongue to shoot arrows against : and when this voyage had 
miscarried) many condemned him ', because his persuasion 
set this project not only on foot but on wings ; as if he had 
thrust so many men, as one morsel, into the jaws of death. 

But much may be alleged truly to excuse this good man. 

First, he was but an instrument employed by Pope 
Eugenius and a provincial council of French bishops to 
forward the design ^. Rather then should they have blamed 
his holiness who sat him on work : but the saddle oftentimes 
is not set on the right horse, because his back is too high 
to be reached, and we see commonly that the instruments 
are made screens to save the ^ce of the principal from 

' Cited by Luther, on Gen. iii. ^ Serres, in Lodov. VIL 
* ^ Goffridas, in Vita Bern. lib. 3, cap. 4. 

^ Baron. Annal. Eccl. in anno 1140. Insistens operi sibi 
commisso ab Eugenio. 

A. D. 1148. THE HOLY WAR. 89 

Secondly, the true cause of the ill success was the vicious- 
Dess of the undertakers. For Germany at this time sur- 
feited of lewd people, and those grew the fattest which 
lived on the highways. But this voyage robbed the whole 
country of her thieves', and then no wonder if they found 
<heir death in Asia, who deserved it in Europe. Hear 
what Otho Frisingensis, who went this voyage, speaketh 
impartially in the matter^ :-^" If we should say that Bernard, 
that holy abbot, was inspired by God's Spirit to incite us to 
this war, but we, through our pride ana wantonness, not 
observing his holy commands, deservedly brought on our- 
selves the loss of our goods and lives, we should say nothing 
*but what is agreeable to reason, and to ancient examples/' 
However, it was a heavy affliction on St. Bernard's aged 
back to bear the reproach of many people : it being a great 
grief for one to be generally condemnea as guilty, for want 
of proof of his innocency. And though God set his hand 
to St* Bernard's testimonial by the many miracles which 
that father wrought', yet still some challenged him for a 

And surely this humiliation was both wholesome and 
necessary for him. For the people, who cannot love with-* 
out doting, nor approve without admiring, were too much 
transport^ with a high opinion of this man and his direc- 
tions ; as if that arrow could not miss the mark which came 
out of St. Bernard's bow. Wherefore this miscarriage came 
veiT seasonably to abate their overtowering conceits of him ; 
and perchance his own of himself. And no doubt he made 
a good use of this bad accident The less his &me blazed, 
the more his devotion burned ; and the cutting off of his top 
made him take deep root, and to be made more truly hum- 
bled and sanctified. In his book of Consideration^ he 
maketh a modest defence of himself; whither we refer the 
reader. To conclude : the devotion of this man viras out of 
question, so neglecting this world, that he even did spit out 
that preferment which was dropped into his mouth : but as 
for his judgment, it was not always the best; which gave 
occasion to the proverb, Bemardus non videt omnia, 

- -■- I I . . _ , _  _ _ I II I I r — I 

* Germania tunc latrociniis freqaens, porgabatur eo genere 
hominum* Krantz. 6 Sax. cap. 13. 

* In Vita Fred. lib. t, cap. 6, in fine. 

' Gofirid* ut prius. ^ Lib. 2, cap. 1* 

90 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1149 

Chap. XXXI. — Umeasonable Discordi betwixt King Bald-- 
win and his Mother, Her Strength in yielding to her 

UPON the departure of Emperor Conrad and King 
Louis, Noradin the Turk much prevailed in Pales- 
tine [1149]* Nor was he little adi^antaged by the discords 
betwixt Millesent, queen-mother, and the nobility; thus 
occasioned:— There was a nobleman called Manasses, whom 
the queen (governing all in her son's minority) made con- 
stable of the kingdom. This man, unable to manage his 
own happiness, grew so insolent that he could not go, but 
either spurning his equals, or trampling on his inferiors. 
No wonder then if envy, the shadow of greatness, waited 
upon him. The nobility highly distasted him^ ; but in all 
oppositions the queen's favour was his sanctuary, who, to 
show her own absoluteness, and. that her affection should 
not be controlled, nor that thrown down which she set up, 
still preserved the creature she had made. 

His enemies, perceiving him so fast rooted in her favour, 
and seeing they could not remove him from his foundation, 
sought to remove him with his foundation; instigating 
young King Baldwin against his mother, and especially 
against her favourite. They complained how the state 
groaned under his insolency ; he was the bridge by which 
all offices must pass, and there pay toll ; he alone sifted all 
matters, and then no wonder if much bran passed ; he, under 
pretence of opening the queen's eyes, did lead her by the 
pose, captivatmg her judgment instead of directing it; he, 
like a by-gulf, devoured her affection, which should flow to 
her children. They persuaded the king he was ripe for 
government, and needed none to hold his hand to hold the 
sceptre. Let him therefore either unite or cut himself loose 
from this slavery, and not be in subjection to a subject. 

Liberty needeth no hard pressing on youth ; a touch on 
that stamp maketh an impression on that waxen age. 
Young Baldwin is apprehensive of this motion, and prose* 
cuteth the matter so eagerly, that, at length, he coopeth up 
this Manasses in a castle, and forceth him to abjure the ' 
kingdom* Much stir afterwards was betwixt him and his 
mother; till at last, to end divisions, the kingdom was 
divided betwixt them : she had the. city of Jerusalem, and 
the land-locked part; he the maritime half of the land. 
- ...  >■■ '  . .1 .,, 

* Tyrius, lib. 17, cap. 13» 

A. D. 1153 THE HOLY WAR. 91 

But the widest throne is too narrow for two to sit on 
together. He, not content with this partition, marcheth 
furiously to Jerusalem, there to besiege his mother, and to 
take all from her. Out of the city cometh Fulcher, the good 
patriarch^ (his age was a patent for his boldness), and freely 
reproveth the king : why should he go on in such an action 
3¥herein, every step he stirred, his legs must need grate and 
crash both against nature and religion? Did he thus 
requite his mother's care in stewarding the state, thus to 
affright her age, to take arms against her ? Was it not her 
goodness to be content with a moiety, when the whole king* 
dom in right belonged unto her? 

But ambition had so enchanted Baldwin, that he was 
penetrable with no reasons which crossed his designs : so 
that by the advice of her friends she was content to resign 
up all, lest die Christian cause should suffer in these dissen- 
sions. She retired herself to Sebaste ', and abridged her 
train from state to necessity. And now the less room she 
bad to build upon, the higher she raised her soul with 
heavenly meditations ; and lived as more private, so more 
pious till the day of her death. 

Chap. XXXII. — Reimund, Prince o/Antiochy overcmte and 
killed, Askelon taken by the Christiam, The Death of 
King Baldwin. 

TH£S£ discords betwixt mother and son were harmony 
in the ears of Noradin the Turk : who, coming with a 
great army, wasted all about Antioch ; and Prince Reimund, 
going out to bid him battle, was slain himself, and his army 
overthrown : nor long after Joceline, count of Edessa, was 
intercepted by the Turks, and taken prisoner. 

As for Constantia, the relict of' Reimund prince of 
Antioch) she lived a good while a widow, refusing the 
affections which many princely suitors proffered unto her, 
till at last she descended beneath herself to marry a plain 
man, Reinold of Castile [1153]. Yet why should we say 
so, when as a Castilian gentleman (if that not a needless 
tautology), as he maketh the inventory of his own worth, 
prizeth himself any prince's fellow: and the proverb is. 
Each layman of Castile may make a king, each clergyman 
a pope. Yea, we had best take heed how we speak against 
this match; for Almericus, patriarch of Antioch, for in- 
veighing against it, was by this Prince Reinold set in the 

^ Tyrius, lib. 17, cap. 14« ' Idem, ibidem^ 

92 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1154 

heat of the sun with his bare head besmeared with honey ' 
(a sweet bitter torment), that so bees might sting him to 
death. But King Baldwin mediated for him, and obtained 
his liberty, that he might come to Jerusalem, where he lived 
many years in good esteem. And God's judgments are 
said to have overtaken the prince of Antioch ; for, besides 
the famine which followed in his country, he himself after- 
wards fighting unfortunately with the Turks, was taken 

But let us step over to Jemsalem, where we shall find 
t JKing Baldwin making preparation for the siege of Aske- 
Ion ; which city, after it had long been blocked up, had at 
last an assaultable breach made in the walls thereof. The 
Templars (to whom the king promised the spoil if they took 
it) entered through this breach into the city ; and conceiving 
they had enough to wield the work and master the place, 
set a guard at the breach, that no more of their fellow 
Christians should come in to be sharers with them in the 
booty. But their covetousness cost them their lives ^; for 
the Turks, contemning their few number, put them every 
one to the sword. Yet at last the city was taken, though 
with much difficulty [Aug. 12, 1154]. 

Other considerable victories Baldwin got of the Turks ; 
especially one at the river Jordan, where he vanquished 
Noradin: and twice he relieved Csesarea-Philippi, which 
the Turks had straitly besieged* But death at last put a 
period to his earthly happiness [1163], being poisoned (as 
.it was supposed) by a Jewish physician ; for the rest of the 
potion killed a dog to whom it was given. This king's 
youth was stained with unnatural discords with his mother; 
and other vices, which in his settled age he reformed. Let 
the witness of Noradin, his enemy, be believed, who honour- 
ably refused, to invade the kingdom whilst the funeral 
solemnities of Baldwin were performing^ and professed 
the Christians had a just cause of sorrow, having lost such 
a king, whose equal for justice and valour the world did not 
afford^* He died without issue, having reigned one and 
twenty years. So that sure it is the printer's mistake in 
Tyrius, where he hath four and twenty years assigned him 
more than the consent of time will allow. 

' Tyrius, lib. 18, cap. 1. 
' Idem, lib. 19, cap. 34. 

2 Idem, lib. l7, cap. 27. 

A. D. 1163 THE HOLY WAR, 93 

Chap. XXXIII. — King Almerick*8 Disposition. 

ALMERICK, brother to King Baldwin, earl of Joppa 
and Askelon, succeeded to the crown [Feb. 18, 1163 J. 
But before his coronation he was. enjoined by die pope 9 
legate, and by the patriarch of Jerusalem, to dismiss Agnes 
his wife, daughter to Joceline the younger, count of Edessa, 
because she was his cousin in the fourth degree ; widi this 
reservation, that the two children he had by her, Baldwin 
4nd Sibyll, should be accounted legitimate, and capable of 
their father's possessions. A prince of excellent parts ; of a 
most happy memory ' (wherein also his brother Baldwin 
was eminent, though Fulco, their father, was wonderfully 
forgetful ; so true is the maxim, Pure penomdia non propa* 
ganhtr. Parents entail neither their personal defe<:ts nor 
perfections on their posterity), solid judgment, quick appre- 
hension ; but of a bad utterance, which made him use words 
only as a shield when he was urged and pressed to speak, 
otherwise he preferred to be silent, and declined popularity 
more than his brother Baldwin affected it. Very thrifty he 
was; and though Tully saith^, Dici hominefn frugi non 
multum habet laudis in rege^ yet moderate frugality is both 
laudable and necessary in a king. But our Almerick went 
somewhat too far, and was a little poor in admiring of 
riches, laying great taxations on the holy places to their 
utter impoverishing : yet was he not mastered by his purse, 
but made it his vassal, and spared no money on a just 
occasion. He never received accusation against any of his 
officers, and never reckoned with them (count it as you 
please, carelessness or noble confidence), because he would 
not teach them to be dishonest by suspecting them. Nor is 
_it the last and least part of his praise, that William, arch- 
bishop of Tyre (so often mentioned), wrote the Holy War 
at his instance. Once he angered the good archbishop with 
this question, How the resurrection of the body may be 
proved by reason ^ ? Hereat the good prelate was much 
displeased, as counting it a dangerous question, wherewith 
one removeth a foundation stone in divinity, though with 
intent to lay it in the place s^ain. But the king presently 
protested, that he demanded it not out of any diffidence in 
nimself about that article, but in case one should meet with 
a sturdy man, who (as too many nowadays) would not 

' 'J'yrius, lib. 19, cap. 2. ' In Orat. pro Deiotaro. 

^ Tyriu8, lib. 19, cap. 3. 

W THE HISTOUT of a.d. 1169 

trust faith on her single bond, eiccept he have reason joined 
for security with her. Hereupon the archbishop alleged 
many strong argumeats to prove it, and both rested well 

Chap. WXlV.^Eccleiiastical Business. A Sultan of 
Iconiumy and the Master of the Assassins desired to be 
christened. The Commonwealth of the Assassins de* 

IN the church of Jerusalem we find Almerick still patri- 
arch ; a Frenchman bom, but little fit for the place to 
which he was preferred by the favour of Sibyll, countess of 
Flanders, the Icing's sister. Meantime the church needed 
a salique law, to forbid distaffs to meddle with mitres; and 
neither to be nor to make patriarchs. 

But the most remarkable church matter in this king's 
reign, was the clandestine christening of a sultan of Iconium. 
And more of his courtiers might have followed him ', but 
that his ambassadors being at Rome, were offended there 
with the viciousness of Christians' lives ; which made them 
to exclaim, ^ How can fresh and salt water iiow firom the 
same fountain^?'' [1169] This bath made many Pagans 
step back, which had one foot in our church, when they 
have seen Christians believe so well and live so ill ; break- 
ing the commandments against the creed. 

Not long after, the great master of the Assassins was 
really disposed to receive our religion ; and to this end 
sent an ambassador to King Almerick, which ambassador 
was treacherously slain by (me of the Templars [1173]. 
The king demanded this murderer of the master of the 
Templars, that justice might pass upon him 3. But the 
roaster proudly answered, that he had already enjoined him 
penance, and had directed to send him to the pope, but 
stoutly refused to surrender him to the king. This cruel 
murder imbittered the Assassins more desperately against 
the Christians. 

These Assassins were a precise sect of Mahometans, and 
had in them the very spirits of that poisonous superstition. 
They had some six cities, and were about forty thousand 
in number, living near Antaradus in Syria. Over these 
was a chief master (hell itself cannot subsist without a 
Beelzebub ; so much order there is in the place of confu* 

> Baron, in anno 1169. » M. Paris in anno 1169. 
' Tyrius, Ub. 20, cap. 52. 

A. D. 1165 THE HOLY WAR, 95 

sion), whom they called The Old Man of the Moantains \ 
At his command they would refuse no pain or peril, but 
stab any prince whom he appointed out to deadi ; scorning 
not to find hands for his tongue, to perform what he 
enjoined. At this day there are none of them extant 
(except revived by the Jesuits, for sure Ignatius Loyola, the 
lame &ther of blind obedience, fetched his platform hence), 
being all, as it seems, slain by the Tartarians', anno 1257. 
But no tears need be shed at their funerals ; yea, pity it is 
that any pity should be lavished upon them, whose whoU 
government was an engine built against human society, 
worthy to be fired by all men ; the body of their state being 
a very monstrosity, and a grievance of mankind. 

Chap. }^XXV. — Dargan and Sonar ^ two Egyptian LordSf 
contending about the Sultanyy Sonar caUeth in the Turk$ 
to help him. Of the Danger of mercenary Soldiers ; yet 
how, weU gualifiedf they may be serviceable,^ 

EGYPT was the stage whereon the most remarkable 
passages in the reign of King Almerick were acted. 
It will be necessary* therefore, to premise somewhat concern- 
ing the estate of that kingdom at this time. Whilst the Turks 
thus lorded it in Syria and the Lesser Asia, the Saracen caliph 
commanded in Egypt ; under whom, two great lords, Dar* 
gan and Sanar, fell out about the sultany or viceroyship of 
that land. But Sanar, fearing he should be worsted by 
Dargan, sued to Noradin king of the Turks at Damascus 
for aid, who sent him an army of Turks, under the com- 
mand of Syracon, an experienced captain, against Sultan 
Dargan [1165]. So Dargan and Sanar met and fought. 
The victory was Dargan's, but he enjoyed it not long, being 
shortly after slain by treachery, whereby Sanar recovered 
the sultan's place. Meantime how strange was the volup- 
tuous lethargy of the caliph Elhadach, to pursue his private 
pleasures, whilst his viceroys thus fought under his nose, 
and employed foreign succours, yet he never regarded it ; 
as if the tottering of his kingdom had rocked him fast 

Nor was he moved with that which followed, and more 
nearly concerned him. For Syracon the Turkish captain, 
whom Sanar had gotten to come into Egypt, would not be 
entreated to go home again; but seized on the city of 

* M. Paris, anno 1147. P. iEmiliuSi in Ladov. Jan. 
^ M. Paris (aut ejus Continaator)| in anno 1S57. 

96 THE BISTORT OF a. d. 1165 

Belbis, ibrtified it, and there attended the arriTal of more 
Turks from Damascus^ for the conquest of £gypt« Which 
afterwards they performed, the land being never completely 
cleared of them, till at la»t they conquered the whole king<r 
dom, partly under this Syracon, and wholly under Saladin 
his nephew. 

Ana here mv discourse (by the leave of the reader) must 
a little sally forth to treat of the danger of entertaining 
mercenary soldiers. They may perchance be called ia with 
a whistle, but scarce cast out with a whip. If they be 
slugs, they endanger a state by their slothfulness ; if spirited 
men, by their activity. Ctesar Borgia, Machiavers idol, 
whose practice he maketh the pattern of policy, saith, that 
he had rather be conquered with his own men, than be 
conqueror with an army of others, because he counted that 
conquest to be none at alP. 

Yet good physic may be made of poison well corrected. 
They may sometimes be necessary evils, yea, good and 
serviceable to defend a land, if thus qualified :-^Fiist, if they 
have no command of castles, or place near about the princess 
person, for then they have a compendious way to treason, 
if they intend it. Secondly, if tbe^ be not entertained in 
too great numbers, but in such refracted degrees, that the 
natives may still have the predominancy; for a surfeit of 
foreign supplies is a disease incurable. Thirdly, if the 
prince who employeth them hath their wives, children, and 
estates in his own hands ; which will be both a caution and 
pawn for their fidelity, and will also interest their affections 
more cordially in the cause. Lastly, if they be of the same 
^religion with them, and fight against the enemy of the 
religion of both ; for then they are not purely hirelings, but 
parties in part, and the cause doth at least mediately 
concern them. I believe that it will scarcely be shown, 
that the protestants have turned taib and betrayed them 
they came to assist. 

We may observe, the Low Countries have best thrived by 
setting this trade of journeymen soldiers on work. Let 
them thank God and the good English; for if Francis 
duke of Anjou with his Frenchmen had well succeeded, 
no doubt he would have spread his bread with their butter. 
Next them the Venetians have sped best; for they have 
the trick, when they find it equally dangerous to cashier 

' Mach. Prince, cap. 9. Se malle vine! suis armis qaam 
alienis victorem esse. 

A. D. 1166 THE HOLY WAR. 97 

their mercenary general or to entertain him any longer, 
iairly to kill him, as they served CanDignola\ England 
hath best thrived without them ; under God's protection we 
stand on our own legs. The last I find are a handful of 
Almains used against Kett, in Norfolk in the days of King 
Edward VI. 3. And let it be our prayers, that as for those 
hirelings which are to be last tried and least trusted, we 
never have want of their help, and never have too much 
of it. 

Chap. XXXVI. — Sonar imphreth the Aid of King Almerick, 
A tolernn Agreement made betwijpt them, and ratified by 
the magnificent Cal^h. 

SULTAN Sanar perceiving himself pressed and overlaid 
by these Turks [1166], who with Syracon their captain 
refused to return, and of assistance turned invaders, bor- 
rov^ed the help of Almerick king of Jerusalem to avoid them 
out of Egypt. Whilst Almerick marched thither, an unfor- 
tunate battle was fought [Aug. 10], betwixt Boemund the 
third of that name prince of Antioch, Reimund count of 
Tripoli, Caiaman Grecian governor of Cilicia, and Joceline 
HI. the titular count of Edessa, on the one side; and 
Noradin king of the Turks, on the other. The Turks got 
the victory, and these four Christian princes were taken 
prisoners; and their army lost so much good blood that 
day, that cast it into an irrecoverable consumption, and 
hastened the ruin of this kingdom. Noradin, following 
his blow, won Caesarea-Philippi. 

Nevertheless Almerick went on effectually in Egypt, and 
for a time expulsed the Turks out of tl)is land [Aug. 18]. 
But Syracon would not so quickly quit the country, but 
goeth to the caliph of Babylon (who was opposite to him 
of Egypt, each of them claiming as heir to Mahomet, that 
false prophet, the sovereignty over all that were of the Saracen 
law) and offereth him his means for the extirpation of this 
schismatical caliph, and the reduction of all Egypt to the 
subjection of the Babylonian. 

The motion was joyfully entertained, and Syracon with 
a mighty power descendeth into Egypt. 

Sanar, afirighted hereat, maketh new and large proffers 
to King Almerick to stop this deluge of his enemies, and 
proffereth him a pension of forty thousand ducats yearly 

' Macb. Prince, cap. 8. ^ Spe.ed^ Edward VI. 


98 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1166 

for his behoovefal assistance. But the king, understanding 
that the sultan (how much soever he took upon him) was 
subject to a higher lord, would make no such bargain with 
hira, but with the caliph himself; and therefore sent his 
ambassadors, Hugh earl of Cs^area, and a knight-templar, 
along with the sultan to Caliph Elhadach, then resident at 
Cairo'. Arriving at his palace, they passed through dark 
passages weU guarded with armed Bthiopians. Hence 
they were conducted into goodly open courts, of such 
beauty and riches, that they could not retain the gravity of 
ambassadors, but were enforced to admire the rarities they 
beheld^. The farther they went* the greater the stal9; till 
at last they were brought to the calipVs own Lodgiqg; 
where, entering the presence, the sultan thrice prostrated 
himself to the ground before the curtain^ behind which the 
caliph sat. Presently the traverse wrought with pearls was 
opened, and the caliph himself discovered, sitting with 
great majesty on a throne of gold, having few of his most 
inward eunuchs about him. 

The sultan humbly kissed his master's foet, and briefly 
told him the cause of their coming, the danger wherein the 
land stood, the proffers he had made to King Almerick, 
desiring him now to ratify them, and in demonstration 
thereof, to give his hand to the king's ambassadors. The 
caliph demurred hereat, as counting such a gesture a 
diminution to his state; and at no hand would give him 
his hand bare, but gave it in his glove. To whom the 
resolute earl of Caesarea' : •* Sir," said he, ** truth seeketh 
no holes to hide itself. Princes that will hold covenant, 
must deal openly and nakedly ; give us therefore your bare 
hand; we will make no bargain with your glove.*' He 
was loath to do it, but necessity (a more imperious caliph 
than himself at this time) commanded it ; and he did it at 
last, dismissing the Christian ambassadors with such gifts 
as testified his greatness. 

According to this agreement King Almerick cordially 
prosecuted his business, improving his utmost might to 
expel Syracon with his Turks out of Egypt, whom he bade 
battle, and got the day, though he lost all his baggage; so 
that the conquest in a manner was divided; fiie Turks 
gaining the wealth, the Christians the honour of the victory. 
Following his blow, he pinned up the Turks afterward in 

» Tyrius, lib. 19, cap. 16. * Idem, cap. 18. 

' Idem, cap. 19. 

A. D. 1168 THE HOLY WAR. 99 

the city of Alexandria^ and forced tbem to receive of him 
conditions of peace, and then returned himself with honour 
to Askeion [Sept. 21, 1167]. 

Chap. XXXVII. — Almerick, agaimt his PromiiCy invadeth 
Egypt, His Perjury punished with the future Ruin of' the 
Kingdom of Jerusalem. His Death. 

WHEN a crown is the priie of the game, we most 
never expect fair play of the gamesters. King 
Almerick having looked on the beau^ of the kingdom of 
Egypt, he longed for it [1 168] ; and now oo longer to drive 
out the relics of die Turks, but to get Egypt to himself; 
and the next year, agahist the solemn league with the caliph, 
invaded it with a great army. He fiiisely pretended that 
the caliph would make a private peace with Noradin king 
of the Turks, and hence created his quarrel. For he bath 
a barren bram, who cannot fit himself with an occasion if 
he hath a desire to fail out. But Gilbert master of the 
Hospitalleis chiefly stirred up the king to this war, upon 
promise diat the city and country of Pelusium, if conquered, 
should be given to his order. The Templars were much 
against the design (one of their order was ambassador at 
the ratifying of the peace) and with much zeal protested 
against it, as undertalBen against oath and fidelity. 

An. oath being the highest appeal, perjury roust needs be 
a heinous sin, whereby God is solemnly invited to be 
witness of his own dishonour. And as bad is a God- 
mocking equivocation ; for he that surpriseth truth with an 
ambush, is as bad an enemy as he that fighteth against her 
with a flat lie in open field. I know what is pleaded for 
Ring Almerick, namely, that Christians ue not boand to 
keep faith with idolaters, the worshippers of a false god, as 
the Egyptian calipli was on the matter. But open so Wide 
a window, and it will be in vain to shut any doors. All 
contracts with Pagans may easily be voided, if this evasion 
be allowed. But what saith St. Hierome ? '' It matters not 
to whom, but by whom we swear'.'' And God, to acquit 
himself^ knowing the Christians* prosperity could not stand 
with his justice after their perjury, frowned upon them; 
And from hence au^ors date the constant iU success of the 
holy war. For though this expedition sped well at the 

* Non considerandam coi, sed per qaem juraveris. — Com* 
ment. Esek. zvii. 

100 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1173 

first, and Almerick won the city of Belbis or Pelusium, yet 
see what a cloud of miseries ensued. 

First, Noradin in his absence wasted and won places 
near Antioch at pleasure. 

Secondly, Metier prince of Armenia, a Christian, made 
a covenant with Noradin^, and kept it most constantly, to 
the inestimable disadvantage of the king of Jerusalem. 
This act of Meller must be condemned, but withal God's 
justice admired. Christians break their covenant with 
Saracens in Egypt, whilst other Christians, to punish them, 
make and keep covenant with Turks in Asia. 

Thirdly, the Saracens grew good soldiers on a sudden, 
who were naked at first, and only had bows; but now 
learned from the Christians to use all offensive and defen- 
fensive weapons. Thus rude nations always better them* 
selves in fighting with a skilful enemy. How good marks^ 
men are the Irish nowadays, which some seventy years 
ago, at the beginning of their rebellions, had three men to 
discharge a handgun ^ I 

Fourthly, Almerick's hopes of conquering Egypt were 
frustrated ; for after some victories he was driven out, and 
that whole kingdom conquered by Saladin (nephew to 
Syracon), who killed the caliph with his horse-mace as he 
i:ame to do Yam reverence, and made himself the absolutest 
Turkish king of Egypt. And presently after the death of 
Noradin [May, 1173], the kingdom of the Turks at Damas- 
cus was by their consent bestowed upon. him. Indeed 
Nocadin left a son, Melexala, who commanded in part of 
his father^s dominions ; but Saladin, after his death, got ail 
for himself. Thus rising men shall still meet with more 
stairs to raise them ; as those of falling, with stumbling- 
blocks to ruin them. 

Meantime Jerusalem was a poor weatherbeaten kingdom, 
bleak and open to the storm ot enemies on all sides, having 
no covert or shelter of any good friend near it, lying in the 
lion's mouth betwixt his upper and nether jaw ; Damascus 
on the north, and Egypt on the south ; two potent Turkish 
kingdoms, united under, a puissant prince, Saladin. This 
made Almerick send for succours into Europe ; for now, few 
voluntaries came to this service ; soldiers must be pressed 
with importunity. Our western princes were prodigal of 
their pity, but niggardly of their 'help. The heat of the 

* Centariet. Centur. 12, in Almerico. 

^ Morison, in the DeicriptioD of Ireland,, anno 1598. 

A. D. 1174 THE HOLY WAH, 101 

war in Palestine had cooled their desires to go thither^ 
tvhich made these ambassadors to return without supplies, 
having gone far to fetch home nothing but discomfort and 

Lastly, King Almerick himself, wearied with whole volleys 
of miseries, ended his life of a bloody flux, having reigned 
eleven full years, and was buried with bis predecessors; 
leaving two children, Baldwin and Sibyll, by Agnes his first 
wife, and by Mary his second wife (daughter to John 
Proto-Sebastus, a Grecian prince), one daughter, Isabel ; 
married afterwards to Hemphred III. prince of Thorone^. 

Chap. XXXVIII.— B«Wwm the Fourth succeedeth. His 
Education under WiUianif the reverend Archbishop of 

BALDWIN'S son, the fourth of that name, succeeded 
his father [July 15, 1174] ; so like unto him, that we 
report the reader to the character of King Almerick, and will 
spare the repeating his description. Only he differed in 
the temper of his lx)dy, being inclined to the leprosy called 
elephantiasis, noisome to the patient, but not infectious to 
the company ; not like Uzziah's, but Naaman's leprosy, 
which had it been contagious, no doubt the king of Assyria, 
when he went into the house of Rimmon, would have 
chosen another supporter. Meantime the kingdom was as 
sick as the king; he of a leprosy, that of an incurable 

This Baldwin had the benefit of excellent education 
under William archbishop of Tyre, a pious man and excel- 
lent scholar, skilled in all the learned oriental tongues, be-^ 
sides the Dutch, and French his native language ; a mode-^ 
rate and faithful writer : for in the latter part of his history 
of the holy war, his eye guided his hand, till at last the 
taking of the city of Jerusalem so shook his hand, that his 
pen fell out, and he wrote no more. Treasurer he was of 
all the money contributed to the holy war, chancellor of tbis 
kingdom; employed in several embassies in. the west ; pre- 
sent at the Lateran council, the acts whereof he did record : 
cardinal he might have been, but refused it' : in a word, 
unhappy only that he lived in that age, though that age was 
happy he lived in it. 

< Tyrius, lib. 22, cap. 4, 

' Centarist« Centur. in Episcopis. 

t02 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1181 

Chap. XXXIX. — The Vkkmaneu of HeraclkUf the Patri^ 
arch of Jerusalem. His Embassy to Henry the Second 
King of England^ with the Success. The Maroniies r^- 
concUed to the Roman Church, 

AFTER the death of Almerick, patriarch of Jerasalem, 
HeracUus was, by the qaeen-mother Mary^ secoDd 
wife to King Almericky for bis baDdaomeness, preferred to 
be patriarch [II8II. William, arehbishop of Tyre, was 
violent against his election, because of a prophecy, that as 
Heraclius king of Persia won, so an Heraclias should lose 
the cross'. But others excepted, that this exception was 
nothing worth ; for let God give the man, and let the devil 
set the naroe. As for those blind prophecies, they miss the 
truth oftener than hit it ; so that no wise man will lean his 
belief on so slender a prop. But Heraclius had a worse 
name than bis name, the bad report of his vicious life; 
keeping a vintner's wife, whom he maintained in all state 
like an empress, and owned the children he had by her : 
her name, Fascha de Rivera*, and she was generally saluted 
the patriarchess^. His example infected the inferior clergy, 
whose corruption was a sad presage of the ruin of the realm ; 
for when prelates, the seers, — when once those eye-strings 
begin to break, the heart-strings hold not out long after. 

In his time the Maronites were reconciled to the Roman 
church. Their main error was the heresy of the Monothe- 
lites, touching one only will and action in Christ. For 
after that the heresy of Nestorius, about two persons in our 
Saviour, was detested in the eastern churches, some thought 
not themselves safe enough for the heresy of two persons 
till they were fallen with the opposite extremity of one 
nature in Christ : violence making men reel from one ex- 
treme to another. The error once broached, found many 
embracers ; as no opinion so monstrous, but if it hath had a 
mother, it will get a nurse. But now these Maronites, 
renouncing their tenets, received the Catholic faith [1182] ; 
though soon after, when Saladin had conquered their 
country, they relapsed to their old errors; wherein they 
continued till the late times of Pope Gregory XIII. and 
Clement VIII., when they again renewed their communion 
with the Roman church. They live at this day on Mount 
Libanus, not exceeding twelve thousand households, and 

^ Besoldufi, De Reg. Hieros. p. 2S2. * Besoldus. p. 284. 
* Patriarchissa, Marinas San. lib. 3, pare. 6, cap. S4. 

A. D. 1185 THE HOLY WAR. 103 

pay to the great Turk, for every one above twelve years 
old, seventeen sultanines by the year^; and for every space 
of ground sixteen span square, one sultanine yearly; to 
keep themselves free from the mixture of Mahometans. 
A soltanine is about seven shillings and sixpence of our 

To return to Heraclius. Soon after he was sent ambas- 
sador to Henry II. king of England [1185], to crave his 
personal assistance in the holy war, delivering unto him the 
royal standard, with the keys of our Saviour's sepulchre, 
the tower of David, and the city of Jerusalem, sent him by 
King Baldwin. King Heniy was singled out for this ser- 
vice before other princeft because the world justly reported 
him valiant, wise, rich, powerful, and fortunate; and 
(which was the main) hereby he might expiate his murder, 
and gather up again the innocent blood which he had shed 
of Thomas Becket. Besides, Heraclius entitled our Henry 
to the kingdom of Jerusalem because GeoflVey Plantagenet 
his &ther, was son (some say brother) to Fulco IV. king of 
Jerusalem. But King Henry was too wise to bite at such 
a bait, wherein was only the husk of title without the kernel 
of profit. Yet he pretended he would go into Palestine ; 
ana got hereby a mass of money towards his voyage, making 
every one, as well clerk as lay (saving such as went) to pay 
that year the tenth of all their revenues, moveables, and 
chattels, as well in gold as in silver. Of every city in Eng- 
land he chose the richest men ; as in London two hundred, 
in York a hundred, and so in proportion: and took the 
tenth of all their moveables, by the estimation of credible 
men who knew their estates ^ ; imprisoning those who re-- 
fused to pay, itib eieentosyrue titmo vitium rapacitatis m- 
clitdent, saith Walsingham. But now, when he had filled 
his purse, all expected he should fblfil his promise ; when 
all his voyage into Palestine turned into a journey into 

Heraclius, whilst he stayed in England, consecrated the 
Temple Church in the suburbs of London, and the house 
adjoining belonging to the Templars ; since turned to a 
better use, for the students of our municipal law ; thes^ 
new Templars defending one Christian from another, as the 
old ones Christians from Pagans. 

I r ' ' - - - - —   • 

* Possevine, Appar. oacr. In Maron. 

' Brierwood, Inquiries, cap. 95. * Daoiel, in Henry II. 


Cbap. XL. — Saiadm fitteth hmself with foreign 'Forces. 
The Original and great Power of the Mamalukes^ with 
their fint Service, 

IN the naiDority of King Baldwin, who was but thirteen 
years old, Milo de Plaiici, a nobleman, was protector 
of the realm; whose pride and insolence coula not be 
brooked, and therefore he was stabbed at Ptolemais, and 
Reimund, count of Tripoli, chosen to succeed him. 

Now Saladin seriously intendeth to set on the kingdom 
of Jerusalem, and seeketh to furnish himself with soldiers 
for that service. But be perceived that the ancient nation 
of the Egyptians had lasted so long, that now it ran dregs ; 
their spirits being as low as the country they lived in, and 
they fitter to make merchants and mechanics than military 
men: for they were bred in such soft employments, that 
they were presently foundered with any hard labour. 
Wherefore he sent, to the Circassians by the lake of Maeotis, 
near Taurica Chersonesus, and thence bought many slaves 
of able and active bodies. For it was a people bom in a 
hard country (no fuel for pleasure grew there nor was 
brought thither), and bred harder ; so that war was almost 
their nature, with custom of continual skirmishing with the 
neighbouring Tartars. 

lliese slaves he trained up in military discipline, most 
of them being Christians once baptized; but afterwards un- 
taught Christ, they learned Mahomet, and so became the 
worse foes to religion for once being her friends. These 
proved excellent soldiers and special horsemen, and are 
called mamalukes. And surely the greatness of Saladin 
and his successors stood not so much on the legs of their 
native Egyptians, as it leaned on the staff of these strangers. 
Saladin, and especially the Turkish kings after him, gave 
great power, and placed much trust in these mamalukes' : 
who lived a long time in ignorance of their own strength, 
till^t last they took notice of it, and scorning any longer to 
be factors for another, they would set up for themselves, 
and got the sovereignty from the Turkish kings.- Thus 
7)rinces who make their subjects overgreat, whet a knife for 
their own throats. And posterity may chance to see the 
insolent janizaries give the grand seignior such a trip on the 
heel as may tumble him on his back. But more largely of 

* Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 23. 

A.n. 1181 THE HOLY WAR. i05 

these mamalukes usurping the kingdom of £gypt (God 
-willing) in its proper place. 

Thus Saladin, having furnished himself with new sol* 
diersy went to handsel their valour upon the Christians, in- 
vaded the Holy Land, burning all the country before him, 
and raging in the blood of poor Christians, till he came and 
encamped about Askelon. 

Meantime, whilst Reimund count of Tripoli, protector 
of the kingdom, with Philip earl of Flanders, and the chief 
strength of the kingdom, were absent in Celosyria, wasting 
the country about Emissa and Csesarea, young King Bald- 
win lay close in Askelon, not daring to adventure on so 
strong an enemy. With whose fear Saladin encouraged, 
dispersed his army, some one way, some another, to forage 
the country. King Baldwin, courted with this opportunity, 
marched out privately, nor having past four hundred horse, 
with some few footmen, and assaulted his secure enemies, 
being six and twenty thousand [Nov. 25, 1176]. But vic« 
tory standeth as little in the number of soldiers, as verity in 
the plurality of voices. The Christians' got the conquest, 
and in great triumph returned to Jerusalem. 

This overthrow rather madded than daunted Saladin; 
who, therefore, to recover his credit, some months after, 
with his mamalukes, fell like a mighty tempest upon the 
Christians, as they were parting the spoil of a band of 
Turks, whom they had vanquished ; put many to the sword, 
the rest to flight. Otto, grand master of the Templars, and 
Hugh, son-in-law to the count of Tripoli, were taken 
prisoners ; and the king himself had mucn ado to escape. 
And thus both sides being well wearied with war, they were 
glad to refresh themselves with a short slumber of a truce 
solemnly concluded ; and their troubled estates breathed 
almost for the space of two years. Which truce Saladin the 
more willingly embraced, because of a famine in the king- 
dom of Damascus [1179], where it had scarce rained for 
five years together^. 

Chap. XLI.— *TAe,/ato/ Jealousies betwixt the King and 

Reimund Earl of Tripoli, 

BUT this so welcome a calm was troubled with domestical 
discords [1181] ; for the king*s mother (a woman of a 
turbulent spirit), and her brother, his steward, accused 
Reimund' count of Tripoli, governor of the realm in- the 

' Centurist. Cent. 12, in Baldvino IV. 

10« THE HISTORY OF a.d,1181 

king^B minority, as if he afibcted the crown for himself: 

which accusation this earl could nerer wholly wipe off. For 

slender and lean slanders t|uickly consume themselves ; but 

he that is branded with a heinous crime (though fi»ise), 

when the wound is cured, his credit will be killed with the 

scar. Bcfom we go further, let us view this Earl Reimund's 

disposition, and we shall find him marked to do misdiie^ 

afid to ruin this realm. He was son to Reimund, grand- 

child to Pontius earl of Tripoli, by Cecilie, the daughter 

of Philip king of France', great grandchild to Beitiam 

first earl of Tripoli, great great grandchild to Reimund 

earl of Toulouse, one of special note amongst the primitive 

adventurers in the holy war. His mother was Hodiem, 

third daughter of Baldwin II. king of Jerusalem. A man 

whose stomach was as high as his birth, and very serviceable 

to this state whilst the sharpness of his parts was used 

against the Turks, which at last turned edge against the 

Christians : proud, not able to digest the least wrong ; and 

though long in captivity amongst the Turks, yet a very 

truant in the school of affliction, who never learned the 

lesson of patience ; so revengeful, that he would strike his 

enemy, though it were through the sides of religion and 

the Christian cause. For this present accusation of treason 

good authors seem to be his compurgators for this at this 

time, though afterwards he discovered his treacherous in* 

tents* And because he could not rise by his service* he 

made his service &11 by him, and undid what he had done 

for the public good, because thereby he could not attain 

bis private ends. He commanded over the earldom of 

Tripoli, which was a territory of large extent, wherein he 

was absolute lord. And by the way we may take notice of 

this as one of the banes of the kingdom of Jerusalem, that 

the principalities of Antioch, Tripoli, and Edessa (whibt it 

was Christian), were branches of this kingdom, but too big 

for the body ; for the princes thereof, on each petty distaste, 

would stand on their guard, as if they had been subjects 

out of courtesy, not conscience ; and though they confessed 

they owed the king allegiance, yet they would pay no more 

than they thought fitting themselves. 

To return to King Baldwin. This suspicion of £arl 
Reimund, though at first but a buzz, soon got a sting in the 
king's head, and he violently apprehended it. WhereupoQ 
Reimund, coming to Jerusalem, was by the way com- 
manded to stay, to his p^reat discrrace. But some of the 

' Tyrius, lib. 21, cap. 5. 

A. D. 1181 THE HOLY WAR. 107 

Dobilityy foreseeing what danger ihn discord night bring, 
reconciled them witli much laboar. However, Baldwin 
ever after looked on Ibis earl with a jealous eye. Jeaknisy, 
if it be fire in private perwns, is wildfire in princes, who 
seldom rase out their names whom once they nave written 
in their black bills. And, as the Italian proverb is, ** Sus- 
picion giveth a passport to fiuth to set it on pecking ;** so this 
earl, finding himself suspected, was never after oordiallv 
loyal, smothering his treachery in this king's life, wfaicn 
afterwards broke forth into an open flame. 

Chap, XLII. — Saladin it conquered by King Baldurinyimi 
conquereth Metopotamia. Ditcards about the FrotectoT' 
skip of Jerwukm, The Death and Praise of' Baldmin the 

THE kingdom of Damascus being recovered of the 
famine, Saladin having gotten his ends by the truce, 
would now have the truce to end ; and breaking it (as not 
standing with his haughty designs), marched with a great 
army out of Egypt through Palestine to Damascus, much 
spoiling the country. And now having joined the Egyptian 
with the Damascene forces, reentered the Holy Land. But 
young King Baldwin meeting him, though but with seven 
hundred to twenty thousand, at the village Frobolt, over- 
threw him in a great battle ' ; and Saladin himself was 
glad with speedy flight to escape the danger, and by long 
marches to get him again to Damascus. Afterward he be- 
sieged Bery tus both by sea and !and ; but the vigilance and 
valour of King Baldwin defeated his taking of it. 

Saladin, finding such tough resistance in the Holv Land, 
thought to make a better purchase by laying out his time 
in Mesopotamia. Wherefore, passing Euphrates, be won 
Charran and divers other cities; and then returning, in 
Syria besieged Aleppo, the strongest place the Christians 
had in that countiy; so fortified by nature, that he had 
little hope to force it. But treason will run up the steepest 
ascent, where valour itself can scarce creep ; and Saladin, 
with the battery of bribes, made such a breach in the loyalty 
of the governor, that he betrayed it unto him. 

Thus he cometh again into the Holy land more formi* 
dable than ever before, carrying an army of terror in the 
mentioning of his name, which drove the poor Christians all 
into their fenced cities. As for King Baldwin, the leprosy 

> Centurisi. Cent 12, in Baldvioo IV. 

108 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1183 

had arrested him prisoner, and kept him at home. Long 
had this king's spirit endured this infirmity, swallowing 
many a bitter pang with a smiling face, and going upright 
with patient shoulders under the weight of his disease. It 
made him put all his might to it, because when he yielded 
to his sickness, he must leave off the managing of the state; 
and he was loath to put off his royal robes before he went to 
bed, a crown being too good a companion for one to part 
with willingly. But at last he was made to stoop, and 
retired himself to a private life [11 83 J, appointing Baldwin 
his nephew (a child of five years old) his successor; and 
Guy earl of Joppa and Askelon, this child's father-in-law, 
to be protector of the realm in his minority. 

But soon after he revoked this latter act, and designed 
Reimuod earl of Tripoli for the protector. He displaced 
Guy, because he found him of no over-weight worth, scarce 
passable without favourable allowance, little feared of his 
foes, and as little loved of his friends. The more martial 
Christians slighted him as a slug, and neglected so lazy a 
leader that could not keep pace with those that were to 
follow him : yea, they refused (whilst he was protector) at 
his command to fight with Salad in ; and, out of distaste to 
their general, suffered their enemy freely to forage ; which 
was never done before: for the Christians never met any 
Turks wandering in the Holy Land, but on even terms 
they would examine their passport how sufficient it was, 
and bid them battle. 

Guy stormed at his displacing, and though little valiant, 
yet very sullen, left the court in discontent, went home, and 
fortified his cities of Joppa and Askelon. What should 
King Baldwin do in this case? Whom should he make 
protector ? Guy had too little, Reimund too much spirit for 
the place. He feared Guy's cowardliness, lest he should 
lose the kingdom to the Tur^s ; and Reimund's treachery, 
lest he should get it for himself. Thus anguish of mind 
and weakness of body (a doughty conquest for their united 
strengths, which single might suffice) ended this king's days, 
dying young at five and twenty years of age. But if by the 
morning we may guess at the day, he would have been no 
whit inferior to any of his predecessors; especially if his 
body had been able : but (alas !) it spoiled the music of 
his soul, that the instrument was quite out of tune. He 
reigned twelve years, and was buried in the Temple of the 
Sepulchre [May 16, 1185]: a king happy in this, that he 
died before the death of his kingdom. 

1. D. 1185 THE HOLY WAR. 109 

Chap. XLIII.^TAe $kart lAfe and w^l Death of Bald- 
tvin the Fifth, an Infant* Guy, huFather^inrktw, succeed" 
eth him, 

IT is a rare happiness of the family of St. LAurence [1185], 
baroQS of Howth in Ireland', that the heirs ror four 
hundred years together always have been of age before the 
death of their Others : for minors have not only baned &- 
miliesy but ruined realms. It is one of Grod's threatenings : 
'^ I will give children to be their princes, and babes shall 
rule over them^." With this rod God struck the kingdom of 
Jerusalem thrice in forty years; Baldwin the third, fourth, 
and fifth, being all under age ; and this last but five years 
old. He was the posthumous son of William, marquis of 
Montferrat, by Sibyll his wife, sister to Baldwin IV. daughter 
to King Almerick ; she was afterwards married to Guy, 
earl of Joppa and Askelon. 

Kow Beimund earl of Tripoli challenged to be protector 
of this young king, by the virtue of an act of the former 
king so assigning him. But Sibyll, mother to this infant, to 
defeat Reimund, first murdered ail natural affection in 
herself, and then by poison murdered her son ; that so the 
crown in her right might come to her husband Guy. This 
Baldwin reigned eight months and eight days', saith mis* 
taken Munster; and some mistake more, who make him 
not to reign at all: cruel to wrong his memory of his 
. honour, whom his mother had robbed both of his life and 

His death was concealed, till Guy, his father-in-law, had 
obtained by large bribes to the Templars and Heraclius the 
patriarch, to be crowned kingt one more ennobled with his 
descent from the ancient family of the Lusignans in Poictou, 
than for any eminence in himself^: his gifts were better 
than his endowments. Yet had he been more fortunate, he 
would have been accounted more virtuous ; men commonly 
censuring that the &uU of the king, which is the ftite of the 
kingdom. And now the Christian affairs here posted to 
their wofiil period, being spurred on by the discords of the 

 T— — 

* Camd. Brit, in the Descript. of the County of Dublin. 

* Isa. iii, 4. ^ Cosmog. lib. $. in Terra Sancta* 

* Tyrias, lib. 23. cap. ^5 et 27, calleth himhominem indiscre 
tarn et penitaf inotilem. 


CuAW.JiLiy.'^CkmtkAffkin. Of Heymencm, Pairwth 
gfAmtmeh. Cf the Grteum Anti^fo^riankt ; and of the 
teamed Theodana BalMomon. 

WHILST HencUos did ptttriucfa it in Jenisaleniy one 
Haynericos had the tine honour at Antiocfa. He 
wrote to Henry II. king of Englandy a bemoaning letter of 
the Christians in the East, and from him received another, 
fraught with ncvei^perfonned fiiir promises. This man must 
needs be different from that Haymericus who began hi? 
patriarchship in Antaoch anno 1143, and sat bat twelve 
years, say the centuriators ' : but Baronias% as diffierent 
from them sometimes in chnniDk)gy as divini^, maketh 
them the same. Then must he be a thorough old man, 
enjoying his place above forty years ; being prc^bly before 
he wore the style of patriarch, well worn in years himself. 
I must confess it passeth my chymistry to esoict any agree* 
ment herein out of the oontnuriety of writers. We most also 
take notice that, besides the Latin patriarchs in Jesnsalem 
and Antioch, there were also Grecian aoti-patriardis ap- 
pointed by the emperor of Constantinople ; who, having no 
temporal power nor profit by church lands, had only juris- 
diction over those of the Greek diureb. We foad not the 
chain of their succession, but here and there light on a link ; 
and at this time in Jerusalem on three successively: — 1. 
Athanasius, whom thongh one ' out of his abundant cfaarhy 
is pleased to style a schisosatic, yet was he both pious and 
learned, as appeareth by his epistles. 2. Leontius, com- 
mended likewise to posterity for a good cleric and an honest 
man^. 3. Dositheus, inferior to the former in both respects ' : 
Isaac the Grecian emperor sent to make him patriarch of 
Constantinople, and Dositheus catching at both, hM neither, 
but betwixt two patriarchs' chairs fell to the ground. 

Antioch also bad her Greek patriarchs : as one Sotericus 
displaced for maintaining some unsound tenets about our 
Saviour ; after him Theodorus Balsamon, the omde of the 
learned law in his age. He compiled and commoited on 
the ancient canons ; and principally set forth the privileges 
of Constantinople ; listening, say the Romanists, to the least 
noise that souodeth to the advancing of the eastern churches, 

' Centur. 12, in EfMscop. ' Annal. £ccl. in Haymerico. 
' Baronitts, in anno 1180. 

* Nicetas Cboniates, in Isaacio Angelo, p. 438. 

* Idem, ibidem. 

A. D. liar THE HOLT WAR. Itt 

and knocking down Rome whensoever it peepeth above 
CoBStafttiBople. This maketh Belbrmifie eicept against 
him as a partial writer; because a troe historian shoold be 
neither party, advocate^ nor judge, bat a bare witness. 

By Isaac the Grecian emperor this Balsamon was also 
deceived ^ : he pretended to remove him to Constantinople^ 
on condition be would prove the translation of the patriaicfa 
to be legal, which is foibidden by the caiions* Balsamon 
took upon him to prove it : and a lawyer's brains will beat 
to purpose when his own prefennent is the fee. But herein 
he did but crack the nut for another to eat the kernel: for 
the emperor mutable in his mind, changing his favourites as 
well as his clothes before they were old, when the legality 
of the translation was avowed, bestowed die patriaichship of 
Constantinople on another; and Theodoms was still staked 
down at Antioch in a true spiritual preferment, affording 
him little bodily maintenance. 

Chap. XLV—rAc Revolt of ike Earl of Tripoli. The 
Ckristian$ irrecoverably aterthroum, and their King taken 

THERE was at this time [1187] a truce betwiirt the 
Christians and Saladin, oroken on this occasion : 
Saladin's mother went from Egypt to Damascus, with much 
treasure and a little train, as sufficiently guarded with the 
truce yet in force ; when Reinold of Castile surprised and 
robbed her. Saladin, glad of this occasion, gathereth all his 
strength together, and bestegeth Ptolemais. 

Now Reimund earl of Tripoli appeareth in his colours, 
vexed at the loss of the government. His grea^ stomach 
had no room for patience : and his passions boiled from a 
fever to a phrensy ; so that, blinded widi anger at King Guy, 
he mistaketh his enemy, and will be revenged on God and 
religion ; revolting wiUi his principality (a third part of the 
kingdom of Jerusalem) to Saladin ; and in his own person, 
under a vizard, assisted him in this siege. 

Out of the city marched the Templars and Hospitallers, and 
fidlingon the Turks killed twenty thousand ot them [May 1 .]. 
Yet they gave well nigh a valuable consideration for their 
Tictory, the master of the Hospitallers being slain; and a 
brave general in battle never dieth unattended. 

Saladin hereupon raiseth his siege ; and Reimund earl 
of Tripoli, whether out of fear the Christians might prevail, 
— — • —  -   _ 

* Nicetas Chron. in Isaacio, p« 440. 

It2 THE HISTORY OF a. o. 1187 

or remorse of conscience, or discontent, not finding that 
respect he expected of Saladin (who had learned that 
politic maxim, to give some honour, no trust to a fugitive), 
reconciled himself to King Guy ; and, soriy for hia former 
offence, returned to the Christians. 

King Guy hereupon gathering the whole strength of his 
weak kingdom to do their last devoir, determined to bid 
Saladin battle; though having but fifteen hundred horse, 
and fifteen thousand foot, against a hundred and twenty 
thousand horse, and a hundred and sixty thousand foot. 
Nigh Tiberias the battle was fought [July 3] ; they close 
in the afternoon, but night moderating betwixt them, both 
sides drew their stakes till next morning ; then on afresh. 
The Christians' valour poised the number of their enemies ; 
till at last the distemper of the weather turned the scales to 
the Turks' side. More Christians (thirsty within and scalded 
without) were killed with the beams the sun darted, than 
with the arrows the enemies shot. Reinold of Castile was 
slain, with most of the Templars and Hospitallers. Gerard 
master of the Templars, and Boniface marquis of Mont- 
ferrat, were taken prisoners ' ; and also Guy the king, who 
saw the rest of his servants slain before his eyes, only 
obtaining of Saladin the life of his schoolmaster. Yea, in 
this battle, the flower of the Christian chivalry was cut 
down; and, what was most lamented, the cross (saith 
Matthew Paris), which freed men from the captivity of 
their sins, was for men's sins taken captive. Most impute 
this overthrow to the earl of Tripoli, who that day com- 
manded a great part of tlie Christian army, and is said of 
some treacherously to have fled away. But when a great 
action miscarrieth, the blame must be laid on some ; and 
commonly it lighteth on them .who formerly have been 
found false, be it right or wrong; so impossible is it for 
him who once hath broken his credit by treason,, ever to 
have it perfectly jointed again. It increaseth the suspicion, 
because this earl, afterwards found dead in his bed (as 
some say)y was circumcised . 

Victorious Saladin, as he had thrown a good cast, played 
it as well ; in a month conquering Berytus, Biblus, Ptole- 
mais, and all the havens (Tyre excepted), from Sidon to 
Askelon. He used his conquest with much moderation, 
giving lives and goods to all, and forcing no Christians to 
depart their cities, save only the Latins. This his gentle- 

>. Bes9ldus, in Guidoae ; ex Crusio. 

A. D. 1187 THE HOLY WAR, 113 

ness proceeded from policy, well knowing that if the 
Christians could not buy their lives cheap, they would sell 
them dear, and fight it out to the uttermost. Askelon was 
stout, and would not surrender. Wherefore Saladin, loath 
vrith the hazard of so long a siege to check his fortune in 
the full speed, left it, and went to Jerusalem, as to a place 
of less difficulty and more honour to conquer. 

Chap. XLVI. — Jerusalem won hy the Turk; withwoful 

Remarkables thereat. 

BEFORE the beginning of the siege, the sun, as sympa- 
thizing vfith the Christians' woes, was eclipsed [Sept. 
4]. A sad presage of the loss of Jerusalem. For though 
those within the city valiantly defended it for a fortnight, 
yet they saw it was but the playing out of a desperate game 
which must be lost : their foes near, their friends for off ; 
and those willing to pity, unable to help. Why then should 
they prolong languishing, where they could not preserve 
life ? Concluding to lavish no more valour, they yielded 
up the city [Oct. 2], on condition all their lives might be 
redeemed, a man for ten, a woman for five, a child for one 
besant*; and fourteen thousand poor people, not able to 
pay their ransom, were kept in perpetual bondage. All 
jLatins were cast out of the city, but those of the Greek 
religion were permitted to stay therein; only Saladin to 
two Frenchmen gave liberty to abide there, and maintenance 
to live on, in reverence to their age: the one Robert of 
Corbie, a soldier to Godfrey of Bouillon when he won this 
city; the other Fulco Fiole, the first child bom in the city 
after the Christians had conquered it*. 

Saladin, ix>ssessed of Jerusalem, turned the churches into 
stables, sparing only that of the Sepulchre for a great sum 
of money. Solomon's Temple he converted to a mosque, 
sprinkling it all over with rose-water, as if he would wash it 
from profaneness, whilst he profaned it with his washing. 

Thus Jerusalem, after it had fourscore and eight years 
been enjoyed by the Christians, by God's just judgment 
was taken again by the Turks. What else could be 
expected ? Sin reigned in every corner ; there was scarce 
one honest woman in the whole city of Jerusalem ^, He- 
raclius the patriarch, with the clergy, was desperately 

* M. Paris, in anno 1187. 

^ Besoldus, in Guidone, p. S85. 

3 Ibid, p. 284, 


114 THE HOLY WAR. a.d. 1187 

▼icious ; and no wonder if iron rust, when gold doth ; and 
if the laity followed their bad example. 

This doleful news brought into Europe, filled all with 
sighs and sorrows. Pope Urban III. (as another Eli at 
the ark's captivity) died for g^ef ; the cardinals lamented 
out of measure, vowing such reformation of manners; 
never more to take bribes, never more to live so Ticiously ; 
yea, never to ride on a horse so long as the Holy Land was 
under the feet of the Turks ^. But this their passion spent 
itself with its own violence, and these mariners* vows ended 
with the tempest. 

In this general grief of Christendom, there was one 
woman found to rejoice, and she a German prophetess 
called St. Christian, a virgin; who, as she had foretold 
the day of the defeat, so on the same she professed that 
she saw in a vision Christ and his angels rejoicing. For 
the loss of the earthly Canaan was gain to ^e heavenly ; 
peopling it with many inhabitants, who were conquerors in 
their overthrow ; whilst they requited Christ's passion, and 
died for him who suffered for them'. But for the truth 
both of the doctrine and history hereof, none need burden 
their belief farther than they please. We will conclude all 
with Roger Hoveden's witty descant on the time * : — When 
Jerusalem was won by the Christians, and afterwards when 
it was lost, an Urban was pope of Rome, a Frederick 
emperor of Germany, an Heraclius patriarch of Jerusalem. 
But by his leave, though the first of his observations be 
true, die second is a flat falsity, the third a foul mistake, 
and may thus be mended : (it is charity to lend a crutch to 
a lame conceit) — When the cross was taken from the Persians, 
Heraclius was emperor ; and when it was taken from the 
Turks, Heraclius was patriarch. Thus these curious obser- 
vations (like over-small watches), not one of a hundred 
goeth true. Though it cannot be denied, but the same 
name (as Henry of England, one the win-all, another the 
lose-all in France) hath often been happy and unhappy in 
founding and confounding of kingdoms. But such nominal 
toys are rags not worth a wise man's stooping to take them 

* Roger Hovedeii»in Henrico, anno 1187. 
^ Qaandam morti Salvatoris virem cum molta devotione 
rependunt. — Baronios, in anno 1187. ^ Loco prius citato. ^ 


Chap, L — Conrad of Montferrat valiantly defendeth Tyre, 

and is chosen King, 

IN this woful estate stood the ChristiaD affairs in the 
Holy Land, when Conrad marquis of Montferrat arrived 
there. His worth commandeth my pei^ to wait on him 
from his own country till he came hither. Son he was to 
Boniface marquis of Montferrat, and had spent his youth 
in the service of Isaac Angelus, the Grecian emperor. 
This Isaac, fitter for a priest than a prince, was always 
bred in a private way; and the confining of his body 
seemeth to have brought him to a pent and narrow soul. 
For he suffered rebels to affront him to his face, never 
sending an army against them, but commending all his 
cause to a company of barefooted friars whom he kept in 
his court, desiring them to pray for him, and by their pious 
tears to quench the combustions in the empire. But our 
Conrad plainly told him, he must use as well the weapons 
of the left hand as of the right ' ; meaning the swoixl as 
well as prayers ; and by the advice of this his general, he 
quickly subdued all his enemies. Which his great service 
found small reward ; only he was graced to wear his shoes 
of the imperial fashion^; a low matter, but there (forsooth) 
accounted a high honour. But soon after Isaac was sick 
of this physician who had cured his empire. If private 
debtors care not for the company of their creditors, much 
less do princes love to see them to whom they owe them- 
selves and their kingdom ; so unwelcome are courtesies to 
them when above their requital. Now it is ancient policy, 
to rid away high spirits by sending them on some plausible 
errand into remote parts, there to seek for themselves an 
honourable grave. To this end Isaac by the persuasions 
of some spurred on Conrad (free enough of himself to any 
noble action), to go into Palestine, there to support the 

* Nicetas, in Isaacio Aogelo, lib. 1, § 7. 

* Ibid, lib. 2, J 1. — Movov rb jlw) toiq ttoXKoTq 6fi6xpoov 
ifwodfifia Ts irodo^ rb rCav YLaiaoQ^v Xeyta vapcurtifiov. 

116 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1187 

ruinous affairs of the Christians. Conrad was sensible of 
their plot, but suffered himself to be wrought on, being 
weary of the Grecians' baseness, and came into the Holy 
Land with a brave company of gentlemen furnished on their 
own cost. 

For a while we set him aside, and return to Saladin; 
who by this time had taken Askelon, on condition that 
King Guy, and Gerard, master of the Templars, should be 
set at liberty. Nor long after was the castle of Antioch 
betrayed unto him by the patriarch ^ ; and the city, scarce 
got with eleven months' siege, was lost in an instant, 
with five and twenty strong towns more, which attended 
the fortune of Antioch : and many provinces thereto be- 
longing, came into the possession of the Turks. Must not 
the Christians needs be bankrupts if they continue this 
trade, buying dear, and selling cheap ; gaining by inches, 
and losing by ells ? 

With better success those in Tripoli (which city the wife 
of Earl Reimund after his death delivered to the Christians) 
defended themselves against Saladin^. For shame they 
would not forego their shirts, though they had parted with 
their clothes. Stark naked from shelter had the Christians 
been left, if stripped out of Tripoli and Tyre. Manfully 
therefore they defended themselves; and Saladin, having 
tasted of their valour in Tripoli, had no mind to mend his 
draught, but marched away to Tyre. 

But Conrad of Montferrat, who was in Tyre with his 
army, so used the matter, that Saladin was fain to fly, and 
leave his tents behind him, which were lined with much 
treasure ; and the Christians had that happiness to squeeze 
that sponge which formerly was filled with their spoih 
They in Tyre, in token of gratitude, chose this Conrad king 
of Jerusalem ; swearing themselves his subjects who had 
kept them from being the Turks' slaves. To strengthen his 
title, he married Eliza or Isabella^ (authors christen her 
with either name), formerly espoused to Humfred ofThorone, 
sister to Baldwin IV., daughter to Almerick king of Jeru- 

By this time King Guy was delivered out of prison [1 1 88], 
having sworn never more to bear arms against Saladin; 
which oath by the clergy was adjudged void, because forced 
from him when he was detained in prison, unjustly against 

« Sabell. Enn. 9. lib. 5, p. 377. * Hoveden, 

* Besoldus, ex Ritio De Reg. p. 293. 

A. D. 1188 THE HOLY WAR. 117 

Eromise. The worst was, now he had gained his liberty^ 
e could not get his kingdom. Coming to Tyre, they shut 
the gates against him, owning no king but Conrad. Thus 
to have two kings together, is the way to have neither king 
nor kingdom. 

But Guy following the affront as well as he might, and 
piecing up a cloth of remnants, with his broken army be- 
sieged Ptolemais [August]. The Pisans, Venetians, and 
Florentines, with their sea succours, came to assist him. 
But this siege was churchwork, and therefore went on 
slowly; we may easier perceiye it to have moved than to 
move, especially if we return hither a twelvemonth hence. 

Chap. II. — The Church Story in the Holy Land to the End 
of the War. The Use and Abuse of titular Bishops. 

W£ must now no longer look for a full face of a 
church in the Holy Land ; it is well if we find one 
eheek and an eye. Though Jerusalem and Antioch were 
won by the Turks, the pope ceased not to make patriarchs 
of both. We will content ourselves with the names of those 
of Jerusalem, finding little else of them remarkable. 

After Heraclius, Thomas Agni was patriarch, present in 
the Lateran council under Innocent III ^. 

Geraldus succeeded him, who sided with the pope against 
Frederick the emperor*. 

Albertus, patriarch in Jerusalem when the Christians lost 
their land in Syria. He prescribed some rules to the Car- 
melites ^. 

After him, Antony Beak, bishop of Durham, the most 
triumphant prelate of the English militant church, except 
. Cardinal Wolsey. He founded and endowed a college fot 
prebends at Chester^, in the bishopric of Durham ; yet no 
doubt he had done a deed more acceptable to God, if 
instead of sacrifice he had done justice, and not defirauded 
the Lord Vessy's heir, to whom he was guardian. Let 
those who are delighted with sciography paint out (if they 
please) these shadow-patriarchs, as also those of Antioch, 
and deduce their succession to this day : for this custom 
still continueth, and I find the suffragans to several arch* 

  . > 111 

' Centur. Cent. 13, cap. 9. 

' Matth. Paris, in anno 1I2S9. ' Centur. ut prius. 

* Camden, Brit. p. 601. Godwin, in Episc Dunelm. See 
this catalogoe of patriarchs altered and perfected in the Chro- 

118 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1188 

bishops and bishops in Germany and France style themselves 
bishops of Palestine ^ : for example, the suffragans of— 1 . 
Toumay, 2. Munster, 3. Mentz, 4. Utrecht, 5. Sens, 6. Tri- 
ers, write themselves bishops of 1. Sarepta, 2. Ptolemais, 
3. Sidon, 4. Hebron, 5. Caesarea, 6. Azotus. But welt did 
one in the council of Trent give these titular bishops the 
title of Jtgmenta kumana, man's devices^ ; because they 
have as little ground in God's word and the ancient canons 
for their making, as ground in Palestine for their mainte- 
nance : yea, a titular bishop soundeth a contradiction ; for 
a bishop and a church or diocess are relatives, as a husband 
and his wife. Besides, these bishops, by ascending to so 
high an honour, were fain to descend to many indecencies 
and indignities to support themselves, with many corrup- 
tions in selling of orders they conferred, the truest and 
basest simony. 

However the pope still continueth in making of them. 
First, because it is conceived to conduce to the state and 
amplitude of the Roman church to have so many bishops in 
it, as it is the credit of the apothecary to have his shop 
full, though many outside-painted pots be empty within. 
Secondly, hereby his holiness hath a facile and cheap way 
both to gratify and engage ambitious spirits, and such 
chameleons as love to feed on air. Yea, the pope is not 
only free of spiritual dignities, but also of temporal titular 
honours ; as when, in the days of Queen Elizabeth, he 
made Thomas Stukely (a bankrupt in loyalty as well as in 
his estate) marquis of Leinster, earl of Wexford and Car- 
low, Viscount Murrough, Baron Rosse and Hydron in 
Ireland ^ : the best is, these honours were not heavy nor 
long worn, he being slain soon after in Barbary, else the 
number of them would have broken his back. Lastly, 
there is a real use made of these nominal bishops ; for these 
ciphers, joined with figures, will swell a number, and sway 
a side in a general council, as his holiness pleaseth ; so 
that he shall truly cogere concilium, both gather and compel 
it. Of the four archbishops which were at the first session 
in the council of Txent, two were merely titular, who never 
had their feet in those churches whence they took their 
honour B. But enough hereof. Now to matters of the 

' Adricomius, in Terra Sancta. 
• History of Trent, lib. 8. p. 7. 

7 Camd. Brit, in his Descript. of Dublin. 

8 History of Trent, lib. 2, p. 140. 

A.D. 1188 THE HOLY WAR. 119 

Chap. III. — Frederick Barbarossa*s setting forth to the Holy 
Land, Of the tyrannous Grecian Emperort, 

MATTERS going thus wofully in Palestine, the Chris- 
tians' sighs there were alarms to stir up their brethren 
in Europe to go to help them, and chiefly Frederick Barba- 
rossa, the German emperor. Impute it not to the weakness 
of his judgment, but the strength of his devotion, that at 
seventy years of age, having one foot in his grave, he would 
set the other on pilgrimage. We must know that this 
emperor had been long tied to the stake, and baited with 
seven fresh successive popes; till at last, not conquered 
with the strength, but wearied with the continuance of their 
malice, he gave himself up to be ordered by them ; and 
Pope Clement III. sent him on this voyage into the Holy 

Marching through Hungary with a great army of one 
hundred and fifty thousand valiant soldiers, he was wel- 
comed by King Bela' [June 29]. But changing his host, 
his entertainment was changed ; being basely used when he 
entered into the Grecian empire. 

Of the emperors whereof we must speak somewhat. For 
though being to write the Holy War I will climb no hedges, 
to trespass on any other story ; yet will I take leave to go 
the highway, and touch on the succession of those princes 
which lead to the present discourse. 

When Conrad, emperor of Germany, last passed this 
way, Emmanuel was emperor in Greece; wno, having 
reigned thirty-eight years, left his place to Alexius, his son : 
a youth, the depth of whose capacity only reached to 
understand pleasure ; governed by the factious nobility, 
till, in his third year, he was strangled by Andronicus, his 

Andronicus succeeded him ; a diligent reader and a great 
lover of St. Paul's epistles*, but a bad practiser of them : 
who rather observing the devil's rule, that it is the best way 
for those who have been bad to be still worse, fencing his 
former villanies by committing new ones, held by tyranny 
what he had gotten by usurpation ; till, having lived in the 
blood of others, he died in his own, tortured to death by 
the headless multitude ; from whom he received all the 

* Amoldai Lubecensis. 

^ Nicetas Choniates, in fine Vitae Andronid. 

120 THE HISTORY OF a,d. 1190 

cruelties which might be expected from servile natures when 
they command. 

Then Isaac Angelus, of the imperial blood, was placed 
in his throne; of whom partly before 3. Nero-like, he 
began mildly, but soon fell to the trade of tyranny: no 
personal, but the hereditary sin of these emperors. He 
succeeded also to their suspicions against the Latins, as if 
they came through his country for some sinister ends. This 
jealous emperor reigned when Frederick, with his army, 
passed this way ; and many bad offices were doAe betwixt 
these two emperors by unfaithful ambassadors % as such 
false mediums have often deceived the best eyes. But 
Frederick, finding perfidious dealing in the Greeks, was 
drawn to draw his sword, taking as he went Philippople ', 
Adrianople [Aug. 25], and many other cities, not so much 
to get their spoil as his own security. Isaac understanding 
hereof, and seeing these pilgrims would either find or make 
their passage, left all terms of enmity, and fell to a fair 
complying [1 1 90], accommodating them with all necessaries 
for their transportation over the Bosporus [March 28], 
pretending to hasten them away because the Christians' 
exigencies in Palestine admitted of no delay; doing it 
indeed for fear, the Grecians loving the Latins best when 
they are farthest from them. 

Chap. IV. — The great Victories and woful Death of Frede* 

rick, the worthy Emperor, 

FREDERICK, entering into the territories of the Turkish 
sultan of Iconium, found great resistance, but van- 
quished his enemies in four several set battf^. Iconium 
he took by force [May 19], giving the spoil thereof to his 
soldiers, in revenge of the injuries done to his uncle Conrad 
the emperor, by the sultan of that place. The city of 
Philomela he made to sing a doleful tune, razing it to the 
ground, and executing all the people therein, as rebels 
against the law of nations, for killing his ambassadors; and 
so came with much difficulty and honour into Syria. 

Saladin shook for fear, hearing of his coming ; and, fol- 
lowing the advice of Charatux, his counsellor* (counted 
one of the wisest men in the world, though his person was 

' In the first chapter of this book. 

* Nicetas Choniates, in Isaacio, lib. S, p. 456. 
^ Baronius, Annal. 

* 4^milius, in Phil. Augusto, p. 178, 179* • 

A. D. 1190 . THE HOLY WAR. 121 

most contemj^tible; so true it is, none can guess the jewel 
by the casket), dismantled all his cities in the Holy Land^ 
save some frontier places, razing their walls and forts, that 
they were not tenable with an army. For he feared if the 
Dutch won these places, they would not easily be driven 
out ; whereas now, being naked from shelter, he would 
weary them with set battles, having men numberless, and 
those near at hand ; and so he would tame the Roman eagle by 
watching him, giving him no rest nor respite from continual 
fighting, 'it is therefore no paradox to say, that in some 
case the strength of a kingdom doth consist in the weakness 
of it. And hence it is, that our English kings have suffered 
time, without disturbing her meals, to feed her belly full on 
their inland castles and city walls; which, whilst they were 
standing in their strength, were but the nurseries of rebeU 
lion. And now, as one observeth% because we have no 
strong cities, war in England waxeth not old (being quickly 
stabbed with set battles), which in the Low Countries hath 
already outlived the grand climacterical of threescore and 
ten years. 

But Frederick the emperor, being now entering into the 
Holy Land, was, to the great grief of all Christians, sud* 
denly taken away, being drowned in the river of Saleph ; a 
river (such is the envy of barbarism, obscuring all places) 
which cannot accurately be known at this day, because this 
new name is a stranger to all ancient maps. If he went in 
to wash himself, as some write, he neither consulted with 
his health nor honour : some say his horse foundered under 
him as he passed the water; others, that he fell from him. 
But these several relations, as variety of instruments, make 
a doleful concert in this, that there he lost.his life : and no 
wonder, if the cold water quickly quenched those few sparks 
of natural heat left in him at seventy years of age. Neubri- 
gensis^ conceiveth that this his sudden death was therefore 
inflicted on him because, in his youth, he fought against the 
popes and church of Rome : but I wonder that he, seeing 
the emperor drowned in a ditch, durst adventure into the 
bottomless depths of God*s counsels. Let it content us to 
know, that oftentimes heaven blasteth those hopes which 
bud first and fairest ; and the feet of mighty monarchs do 
slip, when they want but one step to their enemies' throne. 

After his death, Frederick, duke of Suabia, his second 

^ Barklay. — Bellum in Anglia non senescit. 
^ Lib. 4, cap. 13. 

122 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1190 

ton, undertook the conduct of the army. Now the Turks, 
conceiving grief had steeped and moistened these prilgrims' 
hearts, gave them a sudden charge, in hope to have over- 
thrown them. But the valiant Dutch, who, though they had 
scarce wiped their eyes, had scoured their swords, quickly 
forced them to retire. Then Frederick took the city of 
Antioch [June 21], which was easily delivered unto hiro, 
and his hungry soldiers well refreshed by the citizens, being 
as yet, for the most part. Christians. Marching from hence 
in set battle, he overthrew Dodequin, general oV Saladin's 
forces, slew four thousand, and took a thousand prisoners, 
with little loss of his own men ; and so came to the city of 
Tyre, where he buried the corpse of his worthy father in the 
cathedral church, next the tomb of learned Origen ; and 
Gulielmus Tyrius, the worthy archbishop, preached his 
funeral sermon. We may hear his sorrowful array speaking 
this his epitaph unto him : — 

Earth scarce did yield ground enough for thy sword 
To conquer, how then could a brook afford 
Water to drown thee ? Brook, which since doth fear 
(O guilty conscience) in a map to' appear. 
Yet blame we not the brook, but rather think 
The weight of our own sins did make thee sink. 
Now sith *tis so, we'll fetch a brackish main 
Out of our eyes, and drown thee once again. 

From hence, by sea, they were conveyed to the Christians* 
army before Ptolemais, where young Frederick died of the 
plague : and his great army, which at first consisted of a 
nundred and fifty thousand at their setting forth out of 
Germany, had now no more left than eighteen hundred 
armed men*. 

Chap. V. — The Continuation of the famous Siege of Ptole- 
mais, The Dutch Knights honoured with a Grand 

WE have now, at our leisure, overtaken the snail-like 
siege of Ptolemais, still slowly creeping on. Before 
it the Christians had not only a national but oecumenical 
army; the abridgment of the Christian world: scarce a 
state or populous city in Europe but had here some compe- 
tent number to represent it. 

* -a:miliu8, in Phil. 2, p. 175. 

A. D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 123 

How many bloody blows were here lent on both sides,' 
and repaid with interest ; what sallies, what assaults, what 
encounters, whilst the Christians lay betwixt Saladin with 
his great array behiud them, and the city before them ! 
One memorable battle we must not omit. It was agreed 
betwixt Saladin and the Christians to try their fortunes in a 
pitched field ; and now the Christians were in fair hope of 
a conquest, when an imaginary causeless fear put them to a 
real flight'; so ticklish are the scales of victory, a very 
mote will turn them. Thus confusedly they ran away, and 
boot would have been given to change a strong arm for a 
swift leg. But behold, Geoffrey Lusignan, King Guy's 
brother (left for the guarding of the camp), marching out 
with his men, confuted the Christians in this their ground- 
less mistake, and reinforced them to fight, whereby they 
won the day, though with the loss of two thousand men, 
and Gerard, master of the Templars.' 

It was vainly hoped, that after this victory the city would 
be surrendered ; but the Turks still bravely defended it, 
though most of their houses were burnt and beaten down, 
and the city reduced to a bare skeleton of walls and towers. 
They fought as well with their wits as weapons, and both 
sides devised strange defensive and offensive engines; so 
that Mars himself, had he been here present, might have 
learned to fight, and have taken notes from their practice. 
Meantime famine raged amongst the Christians ; and though 
some provision was now and then brought in from Italy 
(for so far they fetched it), yet these small showers after 
great droughts parched the more, and rather raised than 
abated their hunger. 

Once more we will take our farewell of this siege for a 
twelvemonth: but we must not forget that at this time^ 
before the walls of Ptolemais, the Teutonic order, or Dutch 
Knights^ (which since the days of Baldwin II. lived like 
private pilgrims) had now their order honoured with Henry 
of Walpot their first grand master, and they were enriched 
by the bounty of many German benefactors. These, though 
slow, were sure ; they did hoc agere, ply their work ; more 
cordial to the Christian cause than the Templars, who some- 
times, to save their own stakes, would play booty with the 
Turks. Much good service did the Dutch knights in the 
holy war ; till at last (no wise doctor will lavish physic on 

> Faga imaginario metu orta. — Sabell. £nn. 9, lib. 5, p. 577. 
' Munster, de Gennania, lib. 3> p. 778. 

124 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1190 

him in whom he aeeth faeiem cadaoerotamj so that death 
hath takea possession in the sick man's countenance), find- 
ing this war to be desperate, and dtdeciu fortitudinUf they 
even fairly left the Holy Land, and came into Europe, 
meaning to lay out their valour on something that would 
quit cost. But hereof hereafter; 

Ch&p. VI. — Richard of England and Fhilip of France set 
forward to the Holy hand. The Danger of the Inter- 
views of Princes, 

THE miseries of the Christians in Syria being reported 
in Europe, made Richard I. king of England, and 
Philip II., sumamed Augustus, king of France, to make up 
all private dissensions betwixt them, and to unite their 
forces against the Turks. 

Richard was well stored with men, the bones, and quickly 
got money, the sinews of war; by a thousand princdy 
skills gathering so much coin as if he meant not to return, 
because looking back would unbow his resolution. To 
Hugh, bishop of Durham, for his life, he sold the county of 
Northumberland ; jesting, he had made a new earl of an old 
bishop ': he sold Berwick and Roxburgh to the Scottish 
king for ten thousand pounds : yea, he protested he would 
sell his city of London* (if any were able to buy it) rather 
than he would be burdensome to his subjects for money. 
But take this, as he spake it, for a flourish : for, pretending 
he had lost his old, he made a new seal, wherewith he 
squeezed his subjects, and left a deep impression in their 
purses; forcing them to have all their instruments new 
sealed, which any ways concerned the crown ^. 

Having now provided for himself, he forgot not his 
younger brother, John earl of Morton, who was to stay 
oehind him ; an active man, who, if he roisliked the main- 
tenance was cut for him, would make bold to carve for him- 
self : lest, therefore, straitened for means, he should swell 
into discontent, King Richard gave him many earldoms and 
honours, to the yearly value of four thousand marks. Thus 
he received the golden saddle, but none jof the bridle of the 
commonwealth ; honour and riches were heaped upon him^ 
•but no place of trust and command. For the king deputed 
William, bishop of Ely, his viceroy ; choosing him for that 
place rather than any lay earl, because a coronet perchance 

. * Matthew Paris, Rich. I. p. 207. 

^ Martinas, in Richardo I. > Speed, ia Richard I; 

A. D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. 125 

may swell into a crown, but never a mitre : for a clergy- 
man's calling made him incapable of usurpation in his own 

Thus having settled matters at home^ he set forth with 
many of our nation, which either ushered or followed him. 
Of these the prime were, Baldwin archbishop of Canter- 
bury, Hubert bishop of Salisbury, Robert earl of Leicester, 
Haljph de Glanville late chief justice of England, Richard 
de Clare, Walter de Kime, &c. The bishops of Durham 
and Norwich, Uiough they had vowed this voyage, were 
dispensed with by the court of Rome (qua nuUi deest pecu- 
niam largknti ^) to stay at home. His navy he sent about 
by Spain, and with a competent number took his own 
journey through France. 

At Tours he took his pilgrim's scrip and staff from the 
archbishop. His staff at the same time casually brake in 
pieces * ; which some (whose dexterity lay in sinister inter*> 

?reting all accidents) construed a token of ill success, 
likewise, when he and the French king, with their trains, 
passed over the bridge of Lyons, on the fall of the bridge 
this conceit was built, that there would be a falling out 
betwixt these two kings ^ ; which accordingly came to pass, 
their intercourse and familiarity breeding hatred and discon- 
tent betwixt them. 

Yea, the interviews of equal princes have ever been 
observed iiangerous. Now princes measure their equality 
not by the extent of their dominions, but by the absolute-; 
ness of their power ; so that he that is supreme and inde- 
pendent in his own country counteth himself equal to any 
other prince how great soever. Perchance some youthful 
kings may disport and solace themselves one in another's 
company, whifet as yet pleasure is all the elevation of their 
souls; but when once they grow 'sensible of their own great- 
ness (a lesson they will quickly learn, and shall never want 
teachers), then emulation will be betwixt them ; because at 
their meeting they cannot so go in equipage but one will 
still be the foremost : either his person vnll be more proper, 
or carriage more courtlike, or attendance more accom- 
plished, or attire more fashionable, or something will 
either be or conceived to be more majestical in one than 
the other : and corrivals in honour count themselves eclipsed 

^ Matthew Paris, in Richardo I. p. 207. 
^ Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 666* 
^ Idem, ibidem. 

126 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1190 

by every beam of state which shinetb from their competitor. 
Wherefore the best way to keep great princes together is to 
keep them asunder, accommodating their business by am- 
bassadors, lest the meeting of their own persons part their 

Chap. VII. — King Richard canquereth Sicily and Cyprus^ 
in hit Passage to the Holy Land, 

AT Lyons these two kings parted their trains, and went 
several ways into Sicily. King Richard in his passage, 
though within fifteen miles of Rome, wanting (forsooth) 
either devotion or manners, vouchsafed not to give his 
holiness a visit; yea, plainly told Octavian, bishop of 
Ostia, the pope's confessor, that, having better objects to 
bestow his eyes on, he would not stir a step to see the 
pope; because lately, without mercy, he had simonically 
extorted a mass of money from the prelates of England'. 
At Messina, in Sicily, these two kings meet again ; where, 
to complete King Richard's joy, behold his navy there 
safely arriving, which, with much difficulty and danger, had 
fetched a compass about Spain. 

And now King Richard, by his own experience, grew 
sensible of the miseries which merchants and mariners at 
sea underwent, being always within a few inches, often 
within a hair's breadth, of death. Wherefore, now touched 
with remorse of their pitiful case, he resolved to revoke the 
law of wrecks, as a law so just that it was even unjust. For 
formerly, both in England and Normandy, the crown was 
entitled to shipwrecked goods, and the king, jure gentium, 
made heir unto them*; which otherwise, jure naturali, 
were conceived to be in bonis nullius, pertaining to no 
owner. But now our Richard refused to make advantage 
of such pitiful accidents, and to strip poor mariners out of 
those rags of their estates which the mercy and modesty of 
the waves and winds had left them. And therefore, in the 
month of October, at Messina, in the presence of many 
archbishops and bishops, he for ever quitted the claim to 
wrecks^ : so that if any man out of the ship cometh alive 
to the shore, the property of the shipwrecked goods is still 
preserved to the owner. Yea, this grant was so enlarged by 

' Hoveden, in Rich. I. p. 668, and Matth. Paris, in eodem, 
p. ^IS, "9 Bracton, lib. S, cap. 5. 

5 Quietum clamavit, Wreck, &c. — Roger Hoveden, in Rich- 
ardo I. p. 678. 

A. D. 1190 THE HOLY WAR. t2T 

our succeeding kings, that if a dog or a cat escaped alive to 
land, the goods still remained the owner% if he claimed 
them within a year and a day^. 

Tancred at this time was king of Sicily ; a bastard bom : 
and no wonder, if climbing up to the throne the wrong way, 
he shook when he sat down. Besides, he was a tyrant; 
both detaining the dowry and imprisoning the person of 
Joan, wife to William, late king of Sicily, and sister to 
King Richard. But in what a case was he now, having 
two such mighty monarchs come unto him. To keep them 
out was above his power, to let them in against his will. 
Well he knew it was woful to lie in the road where great 
armies were to pass ; for power knoweth no inferior friend, 
and the landlord commonly loseth his rent, sometimes his 
land, where the tenant is too potent for him. 

At last he resolved (how wisely or honestly let others 
judge) openly to poise himself indifferent betwixt these two 
kings, secretly applying himself to the French ; which King 
Richard quickly discovered, as dissembling goeth not along 
invisible before a judicious eye. 

Meantime the citizens of Messina did the English much 
wrong, if not by the command, with the consent of the 
king. For though it be unjust to father the base actions of 
unruly people on their prince ; yet Tancred not punishing 
his people for injuring the English, when he might and was 
required thereunto, did in effect justify their insolencies, 
and adopt their deeds to be his. Wherefore King Richard, 
to avenge himself, took Messina by assault, seized on most 
forts in the island, demanding satisfaction for all wrongs 
done to him and his sister. Tancred, though dull at first, 
now pricked with the sword, came off roundly with many 
thousand ounces of gold ; and seeing, as the case stood, his 
best thrift was to be prodigal, gave to our king what rich 
conditions soever he demanded. 

Worse discords daily increased betwixt the kings of 
France and England ; King Richard, slighting the king of 
France's sister, whom he had promised to marry, and ex- 
pressing more affection to Beringaria, daughter to the king 
of Navarre. Some princes interposing themselves in this 
breach, rather assuaged the pain than removed the malady : 
so dangerous are ruptures betwixt great ones, whose affec- 
tions, perchance, by the mediation of friends may be brought 
again to meet, but never to unite and incorporate. King 

* Sir Edward Coke, vol. vi. p. 107. 

128 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1191 

Philip, thinking to forestall the market of honour, and take 
vp all for himself, hasted presently to Ptolemais : Richard 
followed at his leisure, and took Cyprus in his way. Isaac 
(or Cursac) reigned then in Cyprus ; who, under Androni- 
cus, the Grecian emperor (when every factious nobleman 
snatched a plank out of that shipwrecked empire), seized 
on this island, and there tyrannized as a reputed king. 
Some falsely conceived him a pagan: and his faith is 
suspected, because his charity was so bad ; killing the Eng- 
lish that landed there, not having so much man as to pity a 
woman, and to suffer the seasick Lady Beringaria to come 
on shore. But King Richard speedily overran the island, 
honoured Isaac with the magnificent captivity of silver 
fetters ; yet giving his daughter liberty and princely usage. 
The island he pawned to the Templars for ready money. 
Aud because Cyprus, by antiquity, was celebrated as the 
seat of Venus, that so it might prove to him, in the joyous 
month of May he solemnly took to wife his beloved Lady 

Chap. VlU.^Tfie Taking of the City Ptolemais. 

WHILST King Richard stayed in Cyprus, the siege of 
Ptolemais went on [1191] : and though the French 
king thought with a running pull to bear the city away, 
yet he found it staked down too fast for all his strength to 

Meantime, the plague and famine raged in the Christians* 
camp ; which the last year swept away fifty princes and 
prelates of note : who, no doubt, went hence to a happy 
place ; though it was before Pope Clement VI. commanded 
the angels (who durst not but obey him) presently to 
convey all their souls into paradise which should die in 
their pilgrimage'. 

This mortality notwithstanding, the siege still continued. 
And now the Christians and Turks, like two fencers long 
playing together, were so well acquainted with the blows 
and guards each of other, that what advantage was taken 
betwixt them was merely casual, never for want of skill, 
care, or valour on either side. It helped the Christians not 
a little^ that a concealed Christian within the city, with 
letters unsubscribed with any name, gave them constant and 

' ChemnitiuB, ex Weselo, Exam. Cone. Trid. tract. De 

A. D. 1191 THE HOLY WAR. 12d 

faithful inteliigence of the remarkable passages amongst 
the Turks. 

No prince in this siege deserved more than Leopold, 
duke of Austria, who fought so long in assaulting this city, 
till his armour was all over gore blood, save the place 
covered with his belt. Whereupon he and his successors, 
the dukes of Austria, renouncing the six golden larks, their 
ancient arms, had assigned them by the emperor a fesse 
argent in a field gules, as the paternal coat of their family*. 

fiy this time King Richard was arrived [June 8] (taking 
as he came a dromond, or Saracen ship, wherein were fifteen 
hundred soldiers, and two hundred and fifty scorpions 3, 
which were to be employed in the poisoning of Christians), 
and now the siege of Ptolemais more fiercely prosecuted. 
But all their engines made not so wide a breach in that city 
walls, as envy made betwixt the French and English kings. 
Yet at last the Turks, despairing of succour, their victuals 
wholly spent, yielded up the city by Saladin's consent, on 
condition to be themselves safely guarded out of it [July 
1 3] : all Christian prisoners Saladin had were to be set free, 
and the cross to be again restored. 

The houses which were left, with the spoil and prisoners, 
were equally divided betwixt Philip and Kichard. Whereat 
many noblemen, partners in the pains, no sharers in the 
gains, departed in discontent^. Some Turks, for fear, em- 
braced the Christian faith, but quickly returned to their 
vomit 5 : as religion dyed in fear never long keepeth colour, 
but this day*s converts will be to-morrow*s apostates. Here- 
upon it was commanded that none hereafter should be bap- 
tized against their wills. 

Here the English cast down the ensigns of Leopold, 
duke of Austria, which he had advanced in a principal 
tower in Ptolemais ; and, as some say, threw them into the 
Jakes. The duke, though angry at heart, forgot this injury 
till he could remember it with advantage ; and afterwards 
made King Richard pay soundly for this affront. It is not 
good to exasperate any, though far inferior : for, as the fable 
telleth us, the beetle may annoy the eagle, and the mouse 
befiriend the lion. 

When the city was taken, it grieved the Christians not a 

' Pantal. De illustribus Germanis, part 2, p. !I01. 
' Matth. Paris, in anno 1 191. 

* Roger Hoveden, in Richardo L p. 696. 

* Fox, Marty rol. p. 24o. 


130 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1191 

little that their fiuthfiil correspoodeDt ^, who advised them 
by his letters, could no where be found : pity it was that 
Rahab*s red lace was not tied at his window. But indeed 
it was probable that he was dead before the surrenderiDg of 
the city. Greater was the grief that the cross did no where 
appear, either carelessly lost, or enviously concealed by 
the Turks. Whilst the Christians stormed hereat, Saladiu 
required a longer respite for the perfbrmance of the con- 
ditions. But King Richard would not enlarge him from 
the strictness of what was concluded ; conceiving that was 
in effect to forfeit the victory back again. Besides, he knew 
he did it only to gain time to fetch new breath ; and if he 
yielded to him, his bounty had not been thanked, but his 
fear upbraided, as if he durst not deny him. Yea, in anger 
King Richard commanded all the Turkish captives which 
were in his hands, seven thousand in number, to be put to 
death (except some choice persons) on tliat day whereon 
the articles should have been, but were not performed 7. 
For which fact he suffered much in his repute, branded 
with rashness and cruelty, as the murderer of many Chris- 
tians : for Salad in, in revenge, put as many of our captives 
to death. On the other side, the moderation of the French 
king was much commended, who, reserving his prisoners 
alive, exchanged them to ransom so many Christians. 

Chap. IX. — The unseasonable Return of the King of 


MEANTIME the Christians were rent asunder with 
faction : Philip the French king, Odo duke of Bur- 
gundy, Leopold duke of Austria, most of the Dutch, all the 
Denoans and Templars siding with King Conrad; King 
Richard, Henry count of Champagne, the Hospitallers, 
Venetians, and Pisans taking part with King Guy. But 
King Conrad's side was much weakened with the sudden 
departure of the French king ; who, eighteen days after the 
taking of Ptolemais, returned home [July 31], pretending 
want of necessaries, indisposNion of body, distemper of the 
climate, though the greatest distemper was in his own 
passions. The true cause of his departure was, partly envy, 
because the sound of King Richard's fame was of so deep 
a note that it drowned his ; partly covetousness, to seize on 

^ Hoveden» in Rich. I. p. 694. 

7 P. iEmilius, in Phiiippo Augusto, p. 174. But Matthew 
Paris saith but two thousand six hundred. 

A. D. 1191 THE HOLY WAR, 131 

the dominions of the earl of Flanders lately dead ' ; Flan- 
ders lying fitly to make a stable for the fair palace of France. 
If it be true, what some report^, that Saladin bribed him 
to return, let him for ever forfeit the surname of Augustus, 
and the style of The most Christian Prince, 

His own soldiers dissuaded him from returning, beseech- 
ing him not to stop in so glorious a race, wherein he was 
newly started : Saladin was already on his knees, and would 
probably be brought on his face, if pursued. If he played 
the unthrift with this golden occasion, let him not hope for 
another to play the good husband with. If poverty forced 
his departure, King Richard proffered him the half of all his 
provisions 3. 

All would not do ; Philip persisted in his old plea, how 
the life of him absent would be more advantageous to the 
cause, than the death of him present ; and by importunity 
got leave to depart, solemnly swearing not to molest the 
king of England's dominions. 

Thus the king of France returned in person, but remained 
still behind in his instructions, which he left (with his army) 
to the duke of Burgundy; to whom he prescribed both his 
path and his pace, where and how he should go. And that 
duke moved slowly, having no desire to advance the work 
where King Richard would carry all the honour. For in 
those actions wherein several undertakers are compounded 
together, commonly the first figure for matter of credit 
maketh ciphers of all the rest. As for King Philip, being 
returned home, such was the itch of his ambition, he must 
be fingering of the king of England's territories, though his 
hands were bound by oath to the contrary. 

Chap. X. — Conrad King of Jerusalem slain, Guy exchanges 
his Kingdom/or the Island of Cyprus, 

ABOUT the time of the king of France's departure, 
Conrad king of Jerusalem was murdered in the mar- 
ket-place of Tyre* [April 27] ; and his death is variously 
reported. Some charged our King Richard for procuring 
it : and though the beams of his innocency cleared his own 
heart, yet could they not dispel the clouds of suspicions 

> Matthew Paris, p. 220. 
' Speed, out of Hoveden, in Richard I. 
3 Matthew Paris, in Richardo I. p. 219. 
* Roger Hoveden, in Richardo I. p. 716, saith on the calends 
of May ; but Sabellicus putteth it sooner. 

132 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1192 

from other men's eyes. Some say Humphred prince of 
Thorone killed him, for taking Isabella his wife away from 
him. But the general voice giveth it out that two aQ«n«irinf 
stabbed him ; whose quarrel to him was only this, that he 
was a Christian. These murderers being instantly put to 
death, gloried in the meritoriousness of their suffering ^ : 
and surely were it the punishment, not the cause, made 
martyrdom, we should be best stored with confessors from 
gaols, and martyrs from the gallows. 

Conrad reigned five years, and left one daughter, Maria 
lole, on whom the Knights-templars bestowed princely 
education. And this may serve for his epitaph : — 

The crown I never did enjoy alone ; 

Of half a kingdom I was half a king. 

Scarce was I on, when I was off the throne ; 

Slain by two slaves me basely murdering. 
And thus the best man's life at mercy lies 
Of vilest varlets, that their own despise. 

His faction survived after his death, affronting Guy the 
ancient king, and striving to depose him. They pleaded 
that the crown was tied on Guy's head with a woman's 
fillet, which being broken by the death of his wife. Queen 
Sibyll (who deceased of the plague, with her children, at 
the siege of Ptolemais^), he had no longer right to the 
kingdom ; they objected he was a worthless man, and unfor- 
tunate. On the other side, it was alleged for him, that to 
measure a man's worth by his success, is a square often 
false, always uncertain. Besides, the courtesy of the world 
would allow him this &vour, that a king should be semel et 
tempery once and ever. 

Whilst Guy stood on these ticklish terms, King Richard 
made a seasonable motion, which well relished to the palate 
of this hungry prince. To exchange his kingdom of Jeru- 
salem for the island of Cyprus; which he bad redeemed 
from the Templars, to whom he had pawned it : and this 
was done accordingly, to the content of both sides [Sept. 
1 ] 92 '^^l. And King Richard, with some of his succeeding 
Englisn kings, wore the title of Jerusalem in their style for 

« .f.milins, in Phil. Augusto, p. l79. 
> Roger Hoveden, in Richardo 1. p. 685. 

* Calvisius. 

A. 0.1192 THE HOLY WAR. 13^ 

many years after*. We then dismiss King Guy, hearing 
him thus taking his farewell : — 

I steer'd a state, war-toss*d, against my will ; 
Blame then the storm, not the pilot's want of skill, 
That I the kingdom lost, whose empty style 
I sold to England's king for Cyprus' isle. 
I pass*d away the land I could not hold ; 
Good ground I bought, but only air I sold. 
Then as a happy merchant may I sing. 
Though I must sigh as an unhappy king. 

Soon after, Guy made a second change of this world 
for another. But the femily of the Lusignans have enjoyed 
Cyprus some hundred years: and since, by some transac- 
tions, is fell to the state of Venice ; and lately, by conquest,, 
to the Turks. 

Chap. XI. — Henry of Champagne chosen King, The noble 
Achievements and Victories of King Richard, 

CONRAD being killed, and Guy gone away, Henry 
earl of Champagne was chosen king of Jerusalem, by 
the especial procuring of King Richard his uncle. To 
corroborate his election by some right of succession, he 
married Isabella, the widow of King Conrad and daughter 
to Almerick king of Jerusalem. A prince (as writers 
report) having a sufficient stock of valour in himself, but 
little happy in expressing it ; whether for want of oppor- 
tunity, or shortness of his reign, being most spent in a 
truce. He more pleased himself in the style of prince of 
Tyre than king of Jerusalem ; as counting it more honour to 
be prince of what he had, than king of what he had not« 

And now the Christians began every where to build : 
the Templars fortified Gaza; King Richard repaired and 
walled Ptolemais, Porphyria^ Joppa, and Askelon. But, 
alas I this short prosperity, like an autumn-spring, came 
too late, and was gone too soon, to bring any fruit to matu-^ 

It was now determined they should march towards 
Jerusalem ; for all this while they had but hit the butt ; 
that holy city was the mark they shot at. Richard led the 
vanguard of English ; Duke Odo commanded in the main 
battle over his French ; James of Auvergne brought on the 

< Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 

134 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1192 

Flemings and Brabanters in the rear. Saladin, serpent- 
like biting the heel, assaulted the rear, not £ar from Bethle- 
hem ; when the French and English wheeling about, charged 
the Turks most furiously. Emulation, formerly poison, 
was here a cordial, each Christian nation striving not only 
to conquer their enemies, but to overcome their friends in 
the honour of the conquest. King Richard, seeking to put 
his courage out of doubt, brought his judgment into ques- 
tion, being more prodigal of his person than beseemed a 
general. One wound he received *, but by losing his blood 
he found his spirits, and laid about him like a madman. 
The Christians got the victory, without the loss of any of 
number or note, save James of Auvergne, who here died in 
the bed of honour ; but more of the Turks were slain than 
in any battle for forty years before. 

Had the Christians presently gone to Jerusalem, pro* 
bably they might have surprised it, whilst the Turks' eyes 
were muffled and blindfolded in the amazement of this great 
overthrow. But this opportunity was lost by the backward- 
ness and unwillingness of King Richard and the English, 
say the French writers*. To cry quits with them, our 
English authors impute it to the envy of the French ^ ; who 
would have so glorious an action rather left undone, than 
done by the English. They complain likewise of the 
treachery of Odo duke of Burgundy, who, more careful of 
his credit than his conscience, was choked with the shame 
of the sin he had swallowed, and died for grief, when his 
intelligence with the Turks was made known. Tliis cannot 
be denied, that Saladin sent (term them bribes or presents) 
both to our king and the French duke, and they received 
them : no wonder then if neither of them herein had a eood 
name, when they traded with such familiars. But most nold 
King Richard attempted not Jerusalem, because, as a wise 
architect, he would build his victories so as they might 
stand, securing the country as he went ; it being senseless 
to besiege Jerusalem, a straggling city, whilst the Turks as 
yet were in possession of all tlie seaports and ', strong forts 
thereabout. \ 

About this time he intercepted many camels loaded with 
rich commodity, those eastern wares containin^jp much in 
a little. And yet of all this, and of all the ti^asures of 

; \ 

* P. ^mil. in Phil. Augusto, p. 180. i 
« P. iEmil. ibidem. \ 

3 Matth. Paris, in Richardo I. p. 216. ' 


A. D. 1192 THE HOLY WAR. 135 

England, Sicily, and Cyprus, which he brought hither, 
King Richard carried home nothing but one gold ring^; 
all the rest of his wealth melted away in this hot service. 
He wintered in Askelon, intending next spring to have at 

Chap. XII. — The little honourable Peace King Richard 
made with Saladin. Of the Value of Relics, 

BUT bad news out of Europe shook his steadiest 
resolutions, hearing how William bishop of Ely, his 
viceroy in England, used unsufierable insolencies over his 
subjects ; so hard it is for one of base parentage to personate 
a king without overacting his part. Also he heard how the 
king of France, and John earl of Morton his own brother, 
invaded his dominions ; ambition, the pope in their belly, 
dispensing with their oath to the contrary. Besides, he 
saw this war was not a subject capable of valour to any 
purpose; the Venetians, Genoans, risans, and Florentines 
being gone away with their fleets, wisely shrinking them" 
selves out of the collar, when they found their necks wrung 
with the hard employment. Hereupon he was forced first 
to make the motion of (in plain terms, to beg) peace of 

Let Saladin now alone to win, having all the game in 
his own hand. Well knew he how to shoot at his own 
ends, and to take aim by the exigencies wherein he knew 
King Richard was plunged. For he had those cunning 
gipsies about him, who could read in King Richard's face 
what grieved his heart; and by his intelligencers was 
certified of every note-worthy passage in the English array« 
Upon these terms therefore or none (beggars of peace shall 
never be choosers of their conditions) a truce for three 
(some say five) years might be concluded, that the Chris- 
tians should demolish all places they had walled since the 
taking of Ptolemais ; whicn was in effect to undo what with 
much charge they had done. But such was the tyranny 
of King Richard's occasions, forcing him to return, that 
he was glad to embrace those conditions he hated at his 

Thus the voyage of these two kings, begun with as great 
confidence of the undertakers as expectation of the beholders, 
continued with as much courage as interchaugeableness of 
success, baned with mutual discord and emulation, was 

* P. iEmil. p. 181. — Ezcepto hoc annulo nudus inopsque. 

136 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1192 

ended with some honoui' to the undertakers, no profit either 
to them or the Christian cause'. Some far-fetched dear- 
bought honour they got; especially King Richard, who 
eternized his memory in Asia; whom if men forget^ horses 
will remember ; the Turks using to say to their horses when 
they started for fear, Dost thou think King Richard is 
here ? Profit they got none, losing both of them the hair 
of their heads in an acute disease ; which was -raorei saith 
one*, than both of them got by the voyage. 

They left the Christians in Syria, in worse case than they 
found them ; as he doth the benighted traveller a discourtesy 
rather than a kindness, who lendeth a lantern to take it 
away, leaving him more masked than he was before* 
^ And now a little to solace myself and the reader with a 
^ merry digression, after much sorrow and sad stories* King 
Richard did one thing in Palestine which was worth all 
the cost and pains of his journey ; namely, he redeemed 
from the Turks a chest full of holy relics (which they had 
gotten at the taking of Jerusalem), so great, as four men 
could scarce carry any way 3. And fliough some know 
no more than ^sop's cock how to prize these pearls, let 
them learn the true value of them from the Roman jewellers* 
First, they must carefully distinguish between public and 
private relics : in private ones some forgery may be sus- 
pected, lest quid be put for quo ; which made St. Augustine 
put in that wary parenthesis, Si tamen m€irtyrtani If so be 
they be the relics of martyrs^* But as for public ones 
approved by the pope, and kept in churches (such no doubt 
as these of King Richard's were) oh let no Christian be 
such an infidel as to stagger at the truth thereof! If any 
object, that the head of &e same saint is showed at several 
places ; the whole answer is by a synecdoche, that a part is 
put for the whole'. As for the common exception against 
the cross, that so many several pieces thereof are shown, 
which put together would break the back of Simon of Cyiene 
to bear them, it is answered, Distrahitur, non diminuituTf 
and, like the loaves in the gospel, it is miraculously multi- 
plied in the dividing. If all these fail; Baronius hath a 
razor shaveth all scruple clear away ; for, saith he^, Qukquid 
fitf fries purgat Jacinus ; so that he worshipeth the &lse 
' — • - ... - 

' P. iEmil. p, 181* — Tanto daorum regom conatu nihil actum. 

* Daniel, p« 100. ^ Matth. Paris, in Rich. I. p. 222. 
^ In lib. De Oper. Mon. cap. 28. 

* Bellarm. De Reiiq. cap. 4, ^ Annal. Eccl. in anno 226. 

A. D. 1192 THE HOLY WAR. 137 

relics of a true saint, God taketh his good intention in good 
worth, though he adore the hand of Esau for the hand of 
Jacob* But enough of these fooleries* 

Chap. XIII. — King Richard taken Prisoner in Austria} 
sold,, and tent to the Emperor ; dearly ransomed ^ return^ 
eth home, 

KING Richard setting sail from Syria, the sea and wind 
favoured him till he came into the Adriatic [Oct. 8] ; 
and on the coasts of Istria he suffered shipwreck ; where-^ 
fore he intended to pierce through Germany by land, the 
nearest way home. But the nearness of the way is to bd 
measured not by the shortness but the safeness of it. 

He disguised himself to be one Hugo a merchant, whose 
only commodity was himself, whereof he made but a bad 
bargain. For he was discovered in an inn in Austria, 
because he disguised his person, not his expenses ; so that 
the very policy of an hostess, finding his purse so far above 
his clothes, did detect him [Dec. 20]; yea, saith mine 
author, Fades arbi terrarum nota, ignorari non potuit. The 
rude people, flocking together, used him with insolencies 
unworthy him, worthy themselves; and they who would 
shake at the tail of this loose lion, durst laugh at his face 
now they saw him in a grate ; yet all the weight of their 
cruelty did not bow him beneath a princely carriage. 

Leopold duke of Austria hearing hereof, as being lord of 
the soil, seized on this royal stray [Dec 20] ; meaning now 
to get his pennyworths out of him, for the affront done 
unto him in Palestine. 

Not long after the duke sold him to Henry the emperor, 
for his harsh nature sumamed Aspery and it might have 
been Savutf being but one degree from a tyrant. He kept 
King Richard in bands, charging him with a thousand 
faults committed by him in Sicily, Cyprus, and Palestine. 
The proofs were as slender as the crimes gross, and Richard 
having an eloquent tongue, innocent heart, and bold spirit, 
acquitted himself in the judgment of all the hearers. At 
last he was ransomed for a hundred and forty thousand 
marks, collen weight'. A sum so vast in that age, before 
the Indies had overflowed all Europe with their gold and 
silver, that to raise it in England tney were forced to sell 
their church plate, to their very chalices. Whereupon out 
of most deep divinity it was concluded, that they should 

' Matth. Paris, in Rich. I. 

138 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1192 

not celebrate the sacrament in glass*, for the brittleness of 
it; nor in wood, for the sponginess of it, which would suck 
up the blood ; nor in alchymy, because it was subject to 
rusting ; nor in copper, because that would provoke vomit- 
ing; but in chalices of latten, which belike was a metal 
without exception. And such were used in England for 
some hundred years after 3, until at last John Stafford arch- 
bishop of Canterbury, when the land was more replenished 
with silver, inknotteth that priest in the greater excommu- 
nication that should consecrate poculuni stanneum. After 
this money Peter of Blois* (who had drunk as deep of 
Helicon as any of that age) sendeth this good prayer, 
making an apostrophe to the emperor, or to the duke of 
Austria, or to both together :*— 

Bibe nunc, avaritiaf 
Dum puteos argenteos, 
Larga diffundit Anglia, 
Tua tecum pecuniay 
Sit in perditionefn. 

And now, thou basest avarice, 

Drink tilUhy belly burst, 
Whilst England pours large silver showers. 

To satiate thy thirst. 
And this we pray, thy money may 

And thou be like accurst. 

TTie ransom partly paid, the rest secured by hostages, 
King Richard much befriended by the Dutch prelacy, after 
eighteen months' imprisonment, returned into England. 
The archbishop of Cullen, in the presence of King Richard, 
as he passed by, brought in these words in saying mass, 
''Now I know that God hath sent his angel, and hath 
delivered thee out of the hand of Herod, and from the 
expectation of the people,'* &c. But his soul was more 
healthful for this bitter physic, and he amended his man- 
ners, better loving his queen Beringaria', whom he slighted 
before ; as soldiers too often love women better than wives. 

Leave we him now in England, where his presence fixed 
the loyalty of many of his unsettled subjects, whilst in 
Austria the duke with his money built the walls of Vienna ; 
so that the best stones and mortar of that bulwark of 

* Lindwood, lib. 1 , De sumina Tri. p. 6. 

' Eulogiom ; a Chronicle cited by Fox, Martyrol. in Bich. I. 

* Epist. 57. * Speed, in Rich. I. 

A. D. 1193. THE HOLY WAR, 139 

Christendom are beholden to the English coin. We must 
not forget how God's judgments overtook this duke, punish* 
ing his dominions with fire and water, which two elements 
cannot be kings, but they must be tyrants ; by fiunine, the 
ears of wheat turned into worms ; by a gangrene, seicing 
on the duke*s body, who cut off his leg with his own hand, 
and died thereof; who by his testament (if not by his will) 
caused some thousand crowns to be restored again to King 

Chap. XIV. — The Death qfSaladin. His Commendation^ 
even with Truths hut almost above Belief, 

SOON after, Saladin, the terror of the east, ended his 
life [Feb. 16, 1193], having reigned sixteen years* 
Consider him as a man, or a prince, he was both ways 

Many historians (like some painters, which rather show 
their skill in drawing a curious iace, than in making it like 
to him whom it should resemble), describe princes rather 
what they should be, than what they were; not showing 
so much their goodness as their own wits. But finding 
this Saladin so generally commended of all writers, we have 
no cause to distrust this his true character. 

His wisdom was great, in that he was able to advise; 
and greater, in that he was willing to be advised ; never 
so wedded to his own resolves, but on good ground he 
would be divorced from them. His valour was not over* 
free, but would well answer the spur when need required* 
In his victories he was much beholden to the advantage of 
season, place, and number ; and seldom wrested the garland 
of honour from an arm as strong as his own. He ever 
marched in person into the field, remembering that his 
predecessors, the caliphs of Egypt, brake themselves by 
using factors, and employing of souldans. His temperance 
was great, diet sparing, sleep moderate, not to pamper 
nature, but keep it in repair. His greatest recreation was 
variety and exchange of work. Pleasures he rather sipped 
than drank off; son^otimes, more to content others than 
please himself. Wives he might have kept sans number, 
but stinted himself to one or two ; using them rather for 
posterity than wantonness. His justice to his own people 
was remarkable, his promise with his enemies geperally 
well kept. Much he did triumph in mercy ; fierce in fight- 
ing, mild in conquering ; and having his enemies in his 
hand, pleased himself more in the power than act of revenge. 

140 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1194 

His liberality would have drained his treasure, had it not 
had a great and quick spring, those eastern parts being very 
richi Serviceable men he would purchase on any rate ; and 
sometimes his gifts bore better proportion to his own great-" 
ness than the receiver's deserts. Vast bribes he would give 
to have places betrayed unto him, and often effected that 
with his gold, which he could not do with his steel. Zealous 
he was in his own religion, yet not violent against Christians 
gttd Christians. Scholarship cannot be expected in him 
who was a Turk by his birth (amongst whom it is a sin to 
be learned) and a soldier by breeding. His humility was 
admirable ; as being neither ignorant of his greatness, nor 
over-knowing it. He provided to have no solemnities at his 
fiineral ; and ordered that before his corpse a black cloth 
should be carried on the top of a spear, and this proclaimed^ 
Saladiiif conqueror of the Eastj had nothing left him but this 
black shirt to attend him to the gravest 

Some entitle him as descended from the royal Turkish 
blood ; which flattering heralds he ^ill little thank for their 
pains ; counting it most honour, that he, being of mean pa- 
rentage, was the first founder of his own nobility. His stature 
(for one of that nation) was tall. His person rather cut out 
to strike fear than win love; yet could he put on amiableness 
when occasion required^ and make it beseem him. To con- 
clude : I will not be so bold, to do with him as an eastern 
bishop^ doth with Plato and Plutarch^ whom he com- 
mend eth in a Greek hymn to Christ, as those that came 
nearest to holiness of all tintaught Gentiles i (belike he 
would be our Saviour's remembrancer, and put him in mind 
to take more especial notice of them at the day of judgment.) 
But I will take my farewell of Saladin with that com- 
mendation I find of him: — He wanted nothing to his eternal 
happiness, but the knowledge of Christ '« 

Chap. XV. — Discords amongst the Turks. The miserable 
Death of Henry AiTig of Jerusalem, 

SALADIN left nine (some say twelve) sons [1194], 
making Saphradin his brother overseer of his will : 
who of a tutor turned a traitor, and murdered them all ex- 
cepting one^ called also Saphradin, sultan of Aleppo; who^ 
not by his uncle's pity ^ but by the favour and support of his 

> Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 

' Joao. Enchaitensis, jampridem Etonie Gnec^ editus. 

> Sabell. Enn. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 

A.D.1197 THE HOLY WAR. 141 

iather*s good friends, was preserved. Hence arose much 
intestine discord amongst the Turks ; all which time the 
Christians enjoyed their truce with much quiet and security. 
1196] Not long after, Henry king of Jerusalem, as he 
was walking in his palace to solace himself, fell down out 
of a window, and hrake his neck '. He reigned three years. 
But as for the particular time he died on, I find it not spe- 
cified in any author. 

Chap. XVI. — Almerkk the Second, King of Jerusalem, 
The great Army of the Dutch Adventurers doth littie in 

AFTER hi& death Almerick Lusignan, brother to King 
Guy, was in the right of his wife crowned king of 
Jerusalem : for he married Isabella, the relict of Henry the 
last king. This lady was four times married: first to 
Humphred prince Of Thorone ; then to the three successive 
kings of Jerusalem, Conrad, Henry, and this Almerick. 
He was also king of Cyprus ; and the Christians in Syria 
promised themselves much aid from the vicinity of that 
island. But though he was near to them, he was f&T from 
helping them, making pleasure all his work ; being an idle, 
lazy, worthless, prince. But I trespass on that politic rule, 
Of princes we must speak the best, or the least ; if that be 
not intended, when the trudi late that danger is en- 
tailed upon it. 

In his time, Henry emperor of Germany, indicted by his 
conscience for his cruelty against King Richard, seeking to 
perfume his name in the nostrils of the world, which began 
to be unsavoury, set on .foot another voyage to the Holy 
Land [1197]. Pope Celestine III. sent his legates about 
to promote this service, showing how God himself had 
sounded the alarm by the dissension of the Turks: Jerusalem 
now might be won with the blows of her enemies ; only an 
army must be sent, not so much to conquer as to receive it. 
General of the pilgrims was Henry duke of Saxony ; next 
him, Frederick duke of Austria, Herman landgrave of Thu- 
ringia, Henry palatine of Rhine, Conrad archbishop of 
Mentz, Conrad archbishop of Wurtzburg, the bishops of 
Breme, Halberstadt, and Regenspurg, with many more 

E relates ; so that here was an episcopal army, which might 
ave served for a national synod : insomuch that one truly 
might here have seen the church militant. We have no 

* Continuator Ur^p. ia aono 1196. £t M. Paris, in eodem. 

U2 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1197 

ambition^ saith one of their couatrymen ', to reckon them 
up ; for they were plvrimi et ntdlif many in number, none 
in their actions. 

Some of these soldiers were employed by Henry the 
emperor (who knew well to bake his cake with the chureh's 
fuel) to subdue his rebels in Apulia. This done, they passed 
through Greece, and found there better entertainment than 
some of their predecessors. Hence by shipping they were 
conveyed into Syria : here they brake the truce made by 
King Richard^ (it seemeth by this, it was the last five 
3rears), the pope dispensing therewith ; who can make a 
peace nets to hold others, but a cobweb for himself to break 
through. The ci^ Berytus they quickly won, and as quickly 
lost. For Henry the emperor suddenly died, the root which 
nourished this voyage, and then the branches withered. 
Henry also, duke of Saxony, general of this army, was 
slain. And Conrad archbishop of Mentz, one of the 
electors, would needs return home to the choice of a new- 
emperor ; knowing he could more profitably use his voice 
in Germany than his arms in Syria. Other captains secretly 
stole home ; and when their soldiers would have fought^ 
their captains ran away ^. And whereas in other expeditions 
we find vestigia pauca retrorsunij making such clean work 
that they left little or no reversions ; of this voyage many 
safely returned home with whole bodies and wounded 

The rest that remained fortified themselves in Joppa, and 
now the feast of St. Martin was come, the Dutd) their 
arch-saint. This man being a German by birth, and bishop 
of Tours in France, was eminent for his hospitality ^ ; and 
the Dutch, badly imitating their countryman, turn his cha- 
rity to the poor into riot on themselves, keeping the eleventh 
of November (I will not say holy-day, but) feast-day. At 
this time the springtide of their mirth so drowned their 
souls, that the Turks coming in upon them cut every one of 
their throats, to the number of twenty thousand ' : and 
quickly they were stabbed with the sword that were cup- 
shot before. A day which the Dutch may well write in 
their calendars in red letters dyed with their own blood ; 
when their camp was their shambles, the Turks their 

* Ursp. Chron. in anno 1197, p. 304. ' Ursp. ut priiis. 
' Baron. Annal. Eccl. in anno 1197. 

* Pantal. De Vir. illustr. Germ, in Vita S. Martini, 
s KnoUes, Turk. Hist. p. 74. 

A. D. 1199 THE HOLY WAR. 143 

buteheis, and themselves the Martinmas beeves: from 
which the beastly drankards difier but a litt&e. 

The city of Joppa the Turks razed to the ground ; and of 
this victory they became so proud, that they|had thought, 
without stop, to have driven the Christians quite out of Syria. 
But by the coming of Simon count of Montford * [1198] (a 
most valiant and expert captain, sent thither by Philip the 
French king with a regiment of tall soldiers, at the instance 
of Innocent III., that succeeded Celestine in the papacy), 
and by civil discord then reigning amongst the Turks them- 
selves for sovereignty, their £iry was repressed, and a peace 
betwixt them and the Christians concluded for the space of 
ten years ^ : during which time the Turks promised not to 
molest the Christians in Tyre or Ptolemais. Which peace 
so concluded, the worthy count returned with his soldiers 
into France [1199]. 

Chap. XVII. — A Crusadofor the Holy Land diverted by 
the Pope to Constantinople. They conquer the Grecian 

THIS truce notwithstanding, another army of pilgrims 
was presently provided for Syria ; the tetrarchs whereof 
were Baldwin earl of Flanders, Dandalo the Venetian duke, 
Theobald earl of Champagne, Boniface marquess of Mont^ 
ferrat, with many other nobles. 

Leave we them awhile, taking the city of Jadera in Istria 
for the Venetians. Meantime, if we look over into Greece, 
we shall find Isaac Angelus the emperor deposed, thrust 
into prison, bis eyes put out (the punishment there in 
fashion), so that he ended his days before he ended his life, 
by the cruelty of Alexius Angelus, his brother, who suc- 
ceeded him. " 

But young Alexius, Isaac Angelus*s son, with some 
Grecian noblemen, came to the courts of most western 
princes, to beg assistance to free his father and expel the 
tyrant. He so deported himself, that each gesture was a 
net to catch men's good will ; not seeking their favour by 
losing himself, but though he did bow, he would not kneel i 
so that in his hce one might read a pretty combat betwixt 
the beams of majesty and cloud of adversity. To see a 
prince in want would move a miser's charity. Our western 

^ Magdeburgenses, Cent. 12, cap. 16, sub finem. 
7 KnoIle8» ut prius. 

144 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1203 

princes tendered his case, which they counted might be 
their own; their best right lying at the mercy of any stronger 
usurper. Young Alexius so dressed his roeat^ that he pleased 
every man's palate ; promising for their succours to disen- 
gage the French from their debts to the Venetian; pro- 
mising the Venetian satisfaction for the wrongs done them 
by the Grecians; and bearing the pope in hand he would 
reduce the eastern churches into his subjection : things 
which he was little able to perform'. But well may the 
statute of bankrupt be sued out against him who cannot be 
rich in promises. These his fair proffers prevailed so far, 
that the pope commanded, and other princes consented, that 
this army of pilgrims, levied for the Holy Land, should be 
employed against the usurping Grecian emperor. Many 
taxed his holiness for an unjust steward of the Christiaa 
forces, to expend them against the Grecians, which were to 
be laid out against the infidels : especially now, when Pales- 
tine, through the dissension of the Turks, offered itself into 
the Christians' arms to be regained. Others thought the 
pope took the right method ; because he who should win 
Jerusalem must begin at Constantinople ; and by this war 
the Grecian empire, which was the bridge to Syria, would 
be made good, and secured for the passage of pilgrims. 
The soldiers generally rejoiced at the exchange of their 
service; for the barren wars in Syria starved the under- 
takers ; and a cook himself cannot lick his fingers where no 
meat is dressed. There nothing but naked honour was to 
be gotten, here honour clothed with spoil ; the usurper's 
treasure would make brave scrambling amongst them ; and 
it was good ploughing up of that ground which had long 
lain fallow. 

Setting sail from Jadera (which city they had subdued to 
the Venetian, forcing them to pay three thousand cony- 
skins yearly for tribute to that state ^), like good fencers, 
they struck at the head, and made for Constantinople; 
which they quickly took, after some hot skirmishes [July 
17, 1203]. Alexius Angelus the usurper, with his wife, 
whores, and treasure, fled away. Blind Isaac Angelus was 
fetched out of prison ; he and young Alexius his son saluted 
joint emperors. Which brittle honour of theirs was quickly 
broken ; for soon after the father died, being brought into 
an open place, kept before in a close pent dungeon ; and 
having long fasted from good air, he now got his death by 

» Nicetas. « Biondus, lib. 6, decad. 2, p. 270. 

A. D. 1204 THE HOLY WAR. » 145 

surfeiting on it. His son was villanously strangled by 
Alexius* Ducas, called, from his beetle brow, Mursiphlus ; 
one of base parentage, who was tumultuously chosen empe* 
ror by the people. This Ducas offered some affronts to tlie 
Latins which lay before Constantinople in their ships. 
Wherefore, and also because they were not paid for their 
former service, they the second time assaulted the city, and 
took it by main force [April 21, 1204] ; killing none, but 
robbing all ; ravishing women, and using a thousand inso* 
lencies. Some fled ibr their succour to the shrines of 
saints; but the sanctuaries needed sanctuaries to protect 
themselves, the soldiers as little respecting place, as for- 
merly age or sex; not standing on any reverence to the 
saints, &ey stood upon them, making footstools of their 
images and statues. 

Nicetas Choniates, hitherto an historian, now a plaintiff 
(writing so full of ohs and exclamations as if the while 
pinched by the arm), rather without measure than cause, 
bemoaneth the outrages the Latins here committed. Poor 
man ! all the miseries our Saviour speaketh of in a siege, 
met in him : his flight from Constantinople was in the 
winter, on the Sabbath-day, his wife being great with child '. 
But when the object is too near the eye, it seemeth greater 
than it is ; and perchance he amplifieth and aggravateth 
the cruelty of these pilgrims, being nearly interested therein 
himself, especially when the rhetoric of grief is always in 
the hyperbole. Nor is it any news for soldiers to be so 
insolent when they take a city by assault ; which time is 
their Saturnalia % when servants themselves do coran^and, 
acknowledging no other leader or captain than their own 
passions. . 

Within a twelvemonth all Greece was subdued, save 
only Adrianople : Baldwin earl of Flanders chosen empe^ 
ror [April 24; crowned May 16]; Thomas Maurocenus 
elected first Latin patriarch in Constantinople; Boniface 
marquess of Montferrat made king of Thessaly ; Geoffrey 
of Troy, a Frenchman, prince of Achaia and duke of 
Athens : the Venetians got many rjch islands in the Egean 
and Ionian seas ; so that one could not now see the Grecian 
empire for empires. It was now expected that they should 
have advanced hence into Palestine : but here, having well 
feathered their nests, they were loath to fly any further, 

* In libello cui titulus, Status Constantinopolis, § 1, p. 637. 

* Servorum hie dies est. Lips. lib. 1. Satur. cap. !• 


146 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1206 

And now no wonder if the Christians' affairs in Palestine 
were weak and lean, the pope diverting the meat that should 
feed them another way. 

Chap. XVIII. — T%e Pope sendeth an Army of Craites 
against the Albigemes. Three several Opinions concern^ 
ing that Sect, 

POPE Innocent III., having lately learned the trick of 
employing the army of pilgrims in by-services, began 
now to set up a trade thereof [1206]. For two years after 
he levied a great number of them, whom he sent against 
the Albigenses in France. These were reputed heretics, 
whom his holiness intended to root out with all cruelty ; 
that good shepherd knowing no other way to bring home a 
wandering sheep than by worrying him to death. He fully 
and freely promised the undertakers the selfeame pardons 
and indulgences as he did to those who went to conquer 
the Holy Land; and very conscionably requested their aid 
only for forty days, hoping to chop up these Albigenses at 
a bit. Though herein he was deceived, and they stuck in 
his and his successors' teeth for fifty years together. The 
place being nearer, the service shorter, the work less, the 
wages the same with the voyage into Syria, many entered 
themselves in this employment, and neglected the other. 

We will trace this army by their footsteps, and our pen 
must wait on their swords. And I hope that his holiness, 
who absolved many of their vows from Palestine, and com- 
muted them into a journey into France, will also of bis 
goodness dispense with my venial digression herein, in 
prosecuting their actions. Yea, indeed, I need not his 
dispensation, being still resident on my own subject, this 
also being s^led tiie holy war, the war for the crucifix, the 
army of Uie church ; the soldiers also bearing the badge of 
the cross on their coat-armour. 

But first let us thoroughly examine what these Albigenses 
were, and what they held : a question that will quit the cost 
in studying it. 

They were a younger house of the Waldenses, and 
branched from them ; not different in doctrine, but later in 
time, and distant in place; so ealled from the country 
Albigeois, in France, where they lived. 

I find three grand different opinions of authors concern- 
ing them. 

First, some make them to have been very monsters in life 
and doctrine; so that the heaviest punishment was too 

A. D. 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 147 

light for them. And this is the general voice of most 
writers in that age, and all Romanists in our days* 

Secondly, others, clean contrary, hold that these Wal- 
denses (for I make them and the Alhigenses tynonymOf as 
others have done') were only the true church of God in 
that age; whilst all others, being corrupted with abomi- 
nable superstition, were no true church at all. These alone 
were God's virgins, his witnesses in sackcloth, his woman 
in the wilderness, his sealed ones, his seven thousand whose 
knees were not suppled with the Baalism of that age. This 
is the express opinion of some strict Protestants ; and of 
some who speak it not out, yet mutter it to themselves. 

Thirdly, a third sort explode this opinion, as trespassing 
on Divine providence^; that God, who neither slumbereth 
nor sleepetn, should be in so long a lethargy as to suffer 
hell to eat up his heaven on earth for so many years toge- 
ther, leaving no true church but so small a company of such 
simple people. They conceive that the maintainers hereof 
engage themselves in a labyrinth of difficulties, hanging too 
great a weight on so slender a string, in making such a 
handful of men the only church for so long continuance. 
More moderately, therefore, they hold, that these Alhi- 
genses were a purer part of the church ; and, though guilty 
of some errors (as there must be a dawning before the day), 
and charged with more, yet they maintained the same 
doctrine in ore, which since Luther's time was refined ^ ; so 
that the main body of the church visible at this time was 
much in dilapidations, whilst the Alhigenses, as an inner- 
most cliapel thereof, was best in repair. 

Let the reader choose the probablest opinion when he 
hath perused the evidences of all sides ; which we will now 
produce, deducing the history of these Alhigenses from 
their first original. 

' Jo. Paul. Perin. De Albig. lib. 1, cap. 1. 

3 Dr. Field, Of the Church, lib. 3, cap. 8. — We acknowledge 
them (vi2« Wickliffe, Haas, Hierome of Prague, &c.) to have 
been the worthy servants of God, and holy martyrs and confes- 
sors, suffering in the cause of Christ against antichrist ; yet do 
we not think that the church of God was found only in them. 

» Dr. White, in his Reply to Fisher, p. 104, 105.— The 
Waldenses maintained the same doctrine in substance with the 
modern protestants. 


Chap. XIX.— 7%e Befkming of the AUngenses, Their 
Dispersion, Persecutwn^ Increase^ NameSf and Nick- 

ABOUT the year 1160, Peter Waldo, a merchant of 
Lyons, rich in substance and learning (for'a layman), 
was walking and talking with his friends, when one of them 
suddenly fell down dead. Which lively spectacle of man^s 
mortality so impressed the soul of this Waldo, that instantly 
he resolved on a strict reformation of his life, which to his 
power he performed; translating some books of the Bible ; 
instructing such as resorted to him in godliness of life ; 
teaching withal, that purgatory, masses, dedication of tem- 
ples, worshiping of saints, prayers for the dead, were inven- 
tions of the devil, and snares of avarice; that monkery was 
a stinking carrion, the church of Rome the whore of Babylon, 
the pope that antichrist paramount : he sharply lanced the 
vicious ulcers of clergymen's lives, reproving tneir pride and 
luxury. Soon got he many followers, both because novelty 
is a forcible loadstone, and because he plentifully relieved 
his poor disciples ; and those that use that trade shall never 
yvant custom. 

The archbishop of Lyons, hearing such doctrines broached 
^ were high treason against the triple crown, ferreted 
Waldo and his sectaries out of Lyons and the country 
(hereabouts. But persecution is the oellows of their gospel, 
to blow every spark into a flame. This their division proved 
their multiplication. Some fled into the Alps, living there 
on so st^p hills, and in so deep holes, that their enemies 
were afraid to climb or dive after them. Here they had 
the constant company of the snow : and as it, by the height 
of the hills, was protected from the sunbeams, so they from 
the scorching of persecution, even to Luther^s time. Others 
fled into Picardy, Flanders, England, Alsace, Bohemia, 
Bulgaria, Croatia, Hungaria, and whither not'? the per- 
fume of the pope's presence not keeping this supposed 
vermin out of Italy itself. Many of them were cruelly 
massacred ; five and thirty burgesses of Mayence burned at 
Bingen in one fire, eighteen at Mayence, fourscore at Stras- 
burg, at the instance of the bishop thereof. But martyrs' 
ashes are the best compost to manure the church ; for others 
were won to their opinion by beholding their constancy and 
patience. Strange that any should h\\ in love with that 

^ Matth. Paris, in Hen. Ill, in anno 1213. 


profession, whose professors were so miserable ! But truth 
bath always a good face, though often but bad clothes. 
They were called by sundry names ; sometimes from the 

E laces where they lived : as from Albigeois, Toulouse, 
yons, Picardy, Bohemia ; Albigenses, Toulousians, Lyon- 
ists, Picards, Bohemians. Sometimes from their principal 
pastor : as from Waldo, Joseph, Henry, Esperon, Arnold ; 
Waldenses, . Josephists, Henricians, Esperonites, Amoldists. 
In England they were termed Lollards, from Lollard* 
their teacher ; not as some friar descanteth, quasi LoUum in 
area Domini, It appeareth not whether they were thus 
called of others, or called themselves. But grant the latter : 
and if any object, that they seemed ashamed of Christ, their 
first godmther, who gave them the name of Christians, thus 
to denominate themselves from their teachers ; I answer, it 
is the same the papists do, calling themselves Benedictines, 
Dominicans, Franciscans, &c. from the founders of their 

They had also nicknames; called, first. Poor men of 
Lyons ; not because they chose to be poor, but could not 
choose but be poor, being stripped out of all their goods : 
and why should the friars' giory be this people's shame ? 
they mocking at poverty in others, which they count meri- 
torious in themselves. Secondly, Patarenians; that is, 
sufferers, whose backs were anvils for others to beat on. 
Thirdly, Turlupins ; that is, dwellers with wolves (and yet 
might they be God's sheep), being forced to flee into woods. 
Fourthly, likewise they were called Sicars; that is, cut- 

?urses. Fifthly, Frateradi; that is, shifters. Sixthly, 
mabhatha ; that is, observers of no sabbath. Seventhly, 
Pasagenes; that is, wanderers. As also Arians, Mani- 
cheans, Adamites (how justly will appear afterwards). Yea, 
scarce was there an arrow in all the quiver of malice which 
was not shot at them. 

Chap. XX, — The Albigenses their Answer, confessing some, 
denying most Crimes laid to their Charge. Commenda- 
tions their Adversaries give them. 

COME we now to the full and foul indictment wherewith 
these Albigenses are charged : that they gave no rever- 
ence to holy places ' ; rejected the baptism of infants ; held 
that temporal power was grounded in grace ; that it was a 

3 Jo. Paul. Perin. Hist. Waldens. lib. 1, cap. 3. 
^ Reineriasi p. ^^t art. 32* 

150 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1206 

meritorious work to persecute the priests of Rome and their 
subjects : with the Adamites they went naked (an afiroDt to 
nature) ; with the Manicheans they made two first causes, 
God of good, the devil of evil ; held community of all things, 
even of wives, amongst them ; were sorcerers and conjurers * 
(pretending to command the devil, when they most obeyed 
him), guilty of incest, buggery, and more unnatural sins, 
whereby men (as it were) run backward to hell. 
' No whit afflrighted with this terrible accusation, many 
late writers dare be their advocates to defend them, though 
confessing them guilty of some of these, but not in so high 
and heinous a manner as they are accused. 

True it is, because most in that age ran riot in adoring 
of churches (as if some inherent sanctity was ceiled to their 
roof, or plastered to their walls ; yea, such as might more 
ingratiate with God the persons and prayers of people there 
assembled), the Waldenses (out of that old error not yet 
worn out, that the best way to straighten what is crooked 
is to over-bow it) denied churches that relative holiness 
and fit reverence due unto them. Baptism of iniants they 
refused not (though St. Bernard^, taking it rather from the 
rebound than first rise, chargeth them therewith), but only 
deferred it till it might be administered by one of their own 
ministers ; their tender consciences not digesting the popish 
baptism, where clear water by God^s oxdinance, was by 
man's additions made a salve or plaster. That dominion 
was founded in grace, seemeth to be their very opinion; 
yea, it hangeth as yet in the schools on the file, and is not 
taken off, as a thing disputable, finding many favourers. 
But grant it a great error (for wicked men shall be arraigned 
before God, not as usurpers, but as tyrants; not for not 
having right, but not right using the creatures), yet herein 
they proceeded not so far as the papists nowadays, to un- 
throne and depose excommunicated princes ; so that they 
who do most have least cause to accuse them. That they 
spoke too homely and coarsely of the Romish priests, 
inveighing too bitterly and uncharitably against them, con- 
demning all for some, may perchance be proved ; and no 
wonder if they spake ill of those from whom they felt ill. 
But take their speeches herein as the words of men upon 
the rack, forced from them by the extremity of cruel usage. 

In these errors the Albigenses hope to find fiivour, if men 

' Claudius Rubis, Hist, of Lyons, p. 269. 
' la his 66 Homily on the Canticles. 

A. D. 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 15 1 

consider, First, the ignorance of the age they lived in : it is 
no news to stumble in the dark. Secondly, the frailty (that 
squire of the body) attending on man's nature ; yea, he shall 
be immortal who liveth till he be stoned by one without 
faulL Thirdly, the errors themselves, which are rather in 
the out-limbs than vitals of religion. And it may be con- 
ceived they might have been reclaimed, if used with gentle 
means, not catechised with fire and feggot ; it being a true 
rule, that men's consciences are more moved with leading 
than dragging or drawing. 

But the sting of the indictment is still behind in the tail 
or end thereof; charging them with such heinous errors 
in doctrine, and vices in Ufe : all which the patrons for the 
defendants deny and defy, as coined out of the mint of their 
enemies' malice^. 

It will be objected, if denying the fact might serve the 
turn, we should have no malefactors : this therefore is but 
a poor plea, barely to deny, when that such clouds of 
witnesses are against them. And grant they have a few 
straggling writers or some sleeping records which may seem 
to acquit them, what are one or two men (though suppose 
them giants) against a wh<^e army ? 

To this I find it answered for the Albigenses, that it 
hath been the constant practice of the Romish writers, 
always to defame those that differ from them, especially if 
they handle too roughly the Noli me tangere of the pope's 
supremacy. In later times what aspersions, as fidse as 
foul, have Cochleus^ and Bolsecus^ laid on Luther and 
Calvin 1 Now how fearless vnll they be to steal at mid« 
night, who dare thus rob men of their good name at noon- 
day ? When such authors as these lie with a witness, yea, 
with many witnesses 7, who could disprove them ; no wonder 
if they take liberty felsely to accuse the Albigenses, con- 
ceiving themselves out of the reach of confutation ; writing 
in such an age when all the counsel is on their own side, 
being plainti&, and none assigned for the defendants. 

* Bishop Jewel, Apol. part 1, chap. 2. divis. 1. — Waldo and 
the rest, for aught we know, and I believe (setting malice aside), 
for aught you know, were godly men. Their greatest error was 
that they complained of Uie dissolute and vicious lives of the 

« In Vita Lutheri. • In Vita Calvini 

. 7 Solidly confuted by Dr. Whitaker, De Notis EcclesisB, cap. 
15. Out of MelancihoD, Sleidan, Gryneus, Beza, eyewit- 

152 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1206 

Secondly, I find th^ produce the authentical copies 
(such as are above their enemies' calumnies) of the cate* 
chisms, apologies, remonstrances of these Albigenses; 
wherein the distilled doctrine of the protestants is delivered 
free from Manicheism, or any other heresy Withered upon 

Thirdly, their enemies' slanders plainly appear in some 
particulars, which justly shaketh the credit of the whole 
accusation. For whereas they are charged with the Adam- 
ites willingly to have gone naked, we find them rather 
nudati than nudi, forced thereunto by the pope's legate; 
who being about to take the city of Carcassone in France, 
where these people most swarmed, he would not grant 
them their lives but on this condition, that both males and 
females should go forth and pass by his army stark naked*. 
Argued it not a very foul stomach in liim, who could feed 
his eyes with contentment oq such a sight, which otherwise 
would more deeply have wounded Use modesty of the 
beholds than of the doers, who did it by compulsion? 
See now how justly these innocents are chained ! As well 
may the Israelites be blamed for cruelty to themselves, in 
putting out their own eyes, when they were commanded to 
do it by the merciless Ammonite. 

Lastly, they are cleared by the testimonies of their very 
enemies; and who knoweth not, but such a witness is 
equivalent to a general consent? For those, who, when 
bemadded with anger, most rave and rage against them, 
yet per ludda intervaMa^ in their cold blood, when their 
words are indicted from their judgments not passions, do 
most sufficiently acquit them from these accusations. 

Reinerius, a Jacobine monk, and a cruel inquisitor of the 
Waldenses, testified 9, that they lived justly before men^ 
and believed all things well of God, and held all the articles 
contained in the Creed ; only they blasphemed the Romish 
church, and hated it. 

Claudius de Seissell archbishop of Turin confesseth, as 
touching their life and manners they were sound and unre- 
proveable, without scandal amongst men, giving themselves 
(to their power) to the observation of the commandments of 

* So witnesseth Peter Be Valle Samenn, being himself a 
monk, and lately printed (anno 1615) in Paris. See Rivet on 
Gf^nesis, p. 138. 

B Cited by Fox in his Maityrol. p. 2SS. 

A.D. 1206 THE HOLY WAR. 153 

King Louis XII. of France, being thoroughly infonned 
of the fiedth and life of the Waddenses in his time, bound it 
with an oath, that they were better men than he or his 
people. The same king having killed many of those poor 
people, and having called the place where they lived, roUis 
meretriaaj for their painted and dissembled piety, upon 
better instructions changed the name, calling it from him* 
self. The Vale of Louis '<'. 

William de Belaiy lieutenant of Piedmont, gave this com* 
mendation of the Merindelites (a sprig which some hundred 
years after sprouted from the Waldenses), that they were a 
laborious people, averse from suits, bountiful to the poor, 
duly paying their princes' tributes and lords' dues, serving 
God with daily prayers, and shovring forth much innocency 
in manners*'. 

Thuanus, one that writeth truth with a steady hand, jogged 
neither by Romanists nor Huguenots, thus charactereth the 
CoQ-waldenses*-^, a stem of tluit stock we speak of: — ^They 
used raw pelts clapped about them for their clothes, the 
four feet' whereof served instead of buttons; all equal in 
poverty, having no beggars amongst them; their diet on 
deer and milk; yet was there scarce any amongst them 
but could read and write handsomely, understand the 
Bible, and sing psalms ; scarce a boy but could presently 
and by heart give an account of his fitith. Tribute they 
paid very religiously, &c. 

More might be added; but Lend all with Gamaliel's 
words, '' If this work be of men, it will come to nought ; 
but if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it''.'' It argueth 
the goodness of their cause, in that all their enemies' cruelty 
(unvnse to think to spoil the* growth of chamomile by tram* 
pling on it) could never suppress them ; but they continued 
till the days of Luther, when this morning star willingly 
surrendered his place to him, a brighter sun. But enough 
of their life and manners. And if any condemn me for 
superfluity herein, I euard myself with St. Augustine's 
shield, Non est rmdtihquiumy quando Jiecessaria tUcunturf 
quantaUbet termonum tmutUudine ac proUxitate dkantur '^. 

>^ Thuanus, torn. 2, lib. 27, p. 15. 

'' Idem, torn. 10, fib. ^, p. 188. 

» Tom. 2, Ub. 27, p. 16. >» Acts, v. 38, 39. 

'* In his preface to his Ketractat. 

154 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1206 

Chap. XXI. — The haihf Army advance againtt the AGfigen- 
set. The Cities rf Better and Carcasstme taken. 

POPE Innocent III.^ having now gathered together an 
army of one hundred thousand pilgrims, set for- 
wards for the final extirpation of the poor Albigenses. The 
best champions for his holiness herein were the duke of 
Buigundy, the earls of Nevers, St. Paul, Auxerre, Geneva, 
Poitiersy with Simon earl of Montfort ; of the clergy, Milo 
the pope's legate, the archbishop of Sens, Rovan; the 
bishops of Clermont, Nevers, Lisieux, Bayeux, Chartres, 
with divers others; every bi^op with the pilgrims of his 
jurisdiction ; to whom the pope promised paradise in hea- 
ven, but not one penny on earth. Their woik was to 
destroy the Albigenses, which were in great numbers in 
Dauphin^, Provence, Narbonne, Toulouse, and other parts 
of Fnmce* Their commission also extended to the rooting 
out of all their friends and Baivourers, whether detected, or 
only suspected ; such as vrere Reimund earl of Toulouse, 
Reimund earl of Foix, the viscount of Besiers, Graston lord 
of Berne, the earl of Bigorre, the Lady of la Vaur, with 
divers others. See here a new gate to heaven never opened 
before, for men to cut their way thither through the throats 
of their innocent brethren ! Behold the Holy Ghost, who 
once came down in the form of a dove, now counterfeited 
in the shape of a vulture ! 

But we must not forget, how, just before the war began, 
the pope pretending to reclaim them by reasons to the 
church of kome ; to which end he gave order for a dispu- 
tation with them. The parties, place, and time were agreed 
on; who, where, when they should dispute; but in fine 
nothing was effected. Yea, who ever knew conferences in 
so great oppositions to ripen kindly, and bring any fruit to 
perfection ? for many come rather for (action than satisiisiC' 
tion, resolving to carry home the same opinions they brought 
with them: an upright moderator will scarce be found, 
who hangeth not to one side ; the place will be subject to 
suspicion, and hinder liberty; boldness and readiness of 
speech, with most (though not most judicious) auditors, will 
bear away the bell from solidity of arguments ; the passages 
in the disputing will be partially reported, and both sides 
will brag of the conquest ; so that the rent will be made 
worse, and more spirits conjured up than allayed. 

But now words ended in blows ; the pope only entertain- 

A. D. 1210 THE HOLY WAR. 155 

ing them in conferences', that in the mean time he might 
prepare his great armies more suddenly to suppress them. 

The first piece of service his soldiers performed was in 
sacking the city of Besiers, and borougn of Carcassone» 
in which many catholics, steadfast in the Romish frith, did 
dwell, and promiscuously were slain with the Albigenses ; 
yea, priests themselves were cut in pieces in their priestly 
ornaments, and under the banner of the cross ; so that the 
swallowing of their foes made their friends also go down 
glib through their throats, without danger of choking. As 
for the city of Carcassone, which was not far from the 
borough, to the inhabitants thereof those immodest condi- 
tions were propounded, whereof formerly: which they 
refused, and God better provided for them ; for whilst the 
city was besieged, they escaped out by the benefit of a vault 
under ground, and so shifted abroad for themselves. 

Chap. XXII. — Simon Earl of Montfort cftoien Captain of 
the Holy War, He conquereth the King of Aragon^ 
prevaUeth agaimt the Albigentes, and at last it killed by 
a Woman, 

HITHERTO this war was managed by the pope's 
legate; but now it was concluded that a secular 
captain should be adjoined to him, in whose person the 
chief command should reside over martial afiairs ; and for 
his pains, by the pope's donation, he was to enjoy all 
countries that shoula be conquered fifom the Albigenses or 
their fiivourers^. The place was ofi*ered to the duke of 
Burgundy, who refiised it, saying, "he had lands and lord- 
ships enough of his own, without spoiling others of their 
goods.'' It was waved also by the earls of St. Paul and 
Nevers, whether out of conscience or policy; because 
though the pope gave them the bear's skin, they must first 
kill and flay him themselves. At last Simon of Montfort, 
nigh Paris, accepted of it, swearing to vex the Lord's 
enemies [12101. And for a breakfiist to begin with, he 
was seized of die viceoounty of Besiers, prooeeding from 
hence to take many castles and cities. 

One grand incouvenience attended on this army of pil- 
grims ; for when their quarantine, or forty days* service, was 
expired (the term the pope set them to merit paradise in), 

■fc I   I   111   ■■■» I  1 1  II I f 

' Jo. Paul Perin. De Albig. lib. 1, cap. %• 
' See the substance of this folIowiDg stoiy in Jo. Paul Perin. 
lib. 1, cap. 6, et deinceps. 

156 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1212 

they would not stay one whit longerj; like posthorses they 
would run to their set stage, but could not he spurred one 
foot further; contenting diemselves they had already pur- 
chased heaven, and fearing they should be put in possession 
thereof too soon, by losing their lives in that service. And 
though the bishops persuaded some few to stay, that so the 
surplusage of their merits might make up the arrearages of 
their friends which wanted them, yet could they not prevail 
to any purpose. Nor could they so cast and contrive their 
matters, the tide of people's devotion being uncertain, but 
that betwixt the going out of the old, and coming in of the 
new store of pilgrims, there would be a low ebb, wherein 
their army was almost wasted to nothing; whereof the 
Albigenses made no small advantage. 

However, the earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge, and 
prince of Berne, the patrons of the Albigenses, finding they 
were too weak for this holy army, sheltered themselves under 
Peter king of Aragon; whose homs^e^ they were, receiving 
investiture from him, though their dominions lay on this 
side of the Pyrenean hills. This king had the greatness of 
the earl of Montfort in suspicion, fearing lest Uiese several 
principalities, which now were single arrows, should be 
bound in one sheaf, conquered and united under Earl 
Simon. Wherefore he fomented a faction in them against 
the holy army, publicly protesting against the proceedings 
of Earl Simon; charging him to have turned the bark 
of God*s church into a pirate's ship, robbing others, and 
enriching themselves under the pretence of religion, seizing 
on the lands of good catholics for supposed heretics, using 
God's cause as hunters do a stand, in it the more covertly 
to shoot at what game Ihey please ; otherwise why was thie 
viscount of Besiers, who lived and died firm in the Romish 
faith, lately trained into the legate's hand, and, against oaths 
and promises of his safe return, kept close prisoner till his 
deatn, and his lands seized on by Earl Simon ? 

At last the king of Aragon taking the earl of Montfort 
on the advantage (shooting him as it were betwixt wind and 
water, the ending of the old and beginning of new pilgrims), 
forced him to a battle [1 21 2] . The king had thirty thousand 
foot and seven thousand horse; but the earl, of both foot 
and horse not above two thousand two hundred. They 
closed together near the castle of Moret; and the king, 
whether out of zeal of conquest and thirst of honour, or 
distrust of under officers, or desire to animate others, or a 
mixture of all, ran his curvet so openly, and-made.his turns 

A. D. 1218 THE HOLT WAR. 157 

and returas in the head of the army, that so fkir a mark 
invited his enemies' arrows to hit him, by whom he was 
wounded to death, and fell from his horse; to lesson all 
generals to keep themselves, like the heart, in the body of 
the army, whence they may have a virtual omnipresence in 
every part thereof; and not to expose their persons (which, 
like crystal vials, contain the extracted spirits of their soldiers 
spilled with their breaking) to places of imminent danger. 
With his body fell the hearts of his men ; and though the 
earls of Toulouse, Foix, and Comminge, persuaded, en- 
treated, threatened them to stay, they used their oratory so 
long till their audience ran all away, and they were fain to 
follow them, reserving themselves by flight to redeem their 
honour some other time. 

Simon, improving this victory, pursued them to the gates 
of Toulouse, and killed many thousands. The friars im- 
puted this victory to the bishop's benediction, and adoring a 
piece of the cross, together with the fervency of the clergy's 
prayers, which, remaining behind in the castle of Moret, bat- 
tered heaven with their importunity. On the other side, the 
Albigenses acknowledged God's justice in punishing the 
proud king of Aragon ; who, as if his arm had been strong 
and long enough to pluck down the victory out of heaven 
without God's reaching it to him, conceived that Earl Simon 
came rather to cast himself down at his feet than to fight. 
But such reckonings without the host are ever subject to a 
rear account. 

Yet within few years the ^e of this war began to alter 
(with writers of shorthand we must set a prick for a letter, a 
letter for a word, marking only the most remarkables). For 
young Reimund earl of Toulouse, exceeding his father in 
valour and success, so bestirred himself, that in few months 
he regained what Earl Simon was many years in getting : 
and at last Earl Simon besieging Toulouse, with a stone 
which a woman let fly out of an engine, had his head parted 
from his body [1218J. 

Men use not to be niggards of their censures on strange 
accidents: some paralleled his life with Abimelech, that 
tyrant judge ; who with the bramble (fitter to make a fire 
than a king of) accepted of the wooden monarchy, when the 
vine, olive, fig-tree, declined it. They paired tiiem also in 
their ends, death disdaining to send his summons by a mas- 
culine harid, but arresting them both by a woman. Some 
persuaded themselves they saw God's finger in the woman's 
band ; that, because the greater part of his cruelty lighted on 

158 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1218 

the weaker sex (for be had buried the lady of la Vaur alive^ 
respecting neither her sex nor nobiUty), a woman was chosen 
out to be his executioner : though of himself he was not so 

Ce to cruelty, but had those at his elbow who prompted 
to it. The time of his death was a large field for the 
conceits of others to walk in ; because even then, when the 
pone and three councils, of Vaur, Montpelier,and Lateran, 
baa pronounced him son, servant, favourite of the ^th, the 
invincible defender thereof: and must he not needs break, 
being swoln with so many windy titles ? Amongst other of 
his styles he was earl of Leicester in England' , and father 
to Simon Montfort, the Catiline of this kingdom^, who, 
under pretence of curing this land of some grievances, had 
killed it with his phjrsic, had he not been killed himself in 
the batde of Eveshold in the reign of Henry III. 

And here ended the storm of open war against the Albio 
genses, though some great drops tell afterwards. Yea, now 
Sie pope grew sensible of many mischiefs in prosecuting 
this people with the holy war : first, the incongruity betwixt 
the wora and the sword ; to confute heretics with armies in 
the field opened clamorous mouths. Secondly, three 
hundred thousand of these croised pilgrims lost their lives 
in this expedition, within the space of fifteen years ^; so 
that there was neither city nor village in France, but by 
reason hereof had widows and orphans cursing this expe- 
dition. And his holiness, after he had made allowance for 
his loss of time, blood, and credit, found his gain de claro 
very small. Besides, such was the chance of war, and good 
catholics were so intermingled with heretics, that in sadcing 
of cities they were slain together. Whereupon the pope 
resolved of a privater way, which made less noise in the 
world, attracted less envy, and was more effectual ; to pro- 
secute them by way of inquisition. Hereby he mig^t single 
them out by retail, rooting out the tares without hurting the 
com, and overthrowing them by piecemeal whom he could 
never stagger in gross. 

Dominic, a Spaniard, was first author hereof. Well did 
his mother, being with child of him, dream that she had a 
dog vomiting fire in her womb^. This ignivomous cur 
(sire of the litter of mendicant friars called Dominicans) 
did bark at and deeply bite the poor Albigenses. After his 

> See Camd. in Leiceatershire. * Also in Worcestershire. 

* Perin, Of the Albigenses, lib. 2. cap. 4. 

* Maityrol. in Vita Pomioici. 

A.D. 1206 THE HOLT WAR. 159 

death. Pope Hoaortus for his good service bestoived a 
saintship on him: for he dreamed he saw the church of 
Rome felling, and Dominic holding it np with his shoul- 
ders ; wherefore he canonized this Atlas of their religion. 
The proceedings of this inquisition were the abridgment of 
all cruelty, turning the sword of justice into the butcher's 
axe. But no doubt God, when he maketh inquisition for 
blood', will one day remember this bloody inquisition. 
And who can but admire at tlie continuance of the doctrine 
of the Albigenses to this day, maugre all their enemies? Let 
those privy councillors of nature, who can tell where swal- 
lows tie all winter, and how at the spring they have a resur- 
rection from their seeming deadness, let those, I say, also 
inform us in what invisible sanctuaries this doctrine did 
lurk in spite of persecution, and how it revived out of its 
ashes at the coming of Luther. To conclude : it is observed, 
that in those parts of France where the Albigenses were most 
cruelly handled, now the protestants (heirs to most of their 
tenets) flourish most; as in the countries of Gascoigne, 
Dauphin^, and Languedoc 

Chap. XXIIL — King Almerickyfor hii Laziness^ deposed 

by the Pope. 

WELCOME the Holy Land, welcome Ptolemais ! How 
shallow and almost quite dry is the stream of pil- 
grims grown here, since the pope hath drained it with so 
large a by-channel into France 1 

As for Almerick, the idle king of Jerusalem, we find him 
as we left him, crowning his cares constantly in wine : his 
hands being lazier than those that are printed in the margin 
of a book, which point what others should read ; whilst he 
would neither do nor order what should be done : so true 
was it of him, what is said of another', Titidaris non tute- 
laris rex ; defuit non praj'uit reipublica. 

And now the war betwixt Noradin, Saladin's son, and 
Saphradin his uncle, about the sovereignty, lasting nine 
years, ended with Saphradin's death; and Noradin con- 
tented himself with the government of Aleppo, whilst 
Saphradin's two sons shared his dominions, Coradin com- 
manding in Damascus and Syria, and Meledin in Egypt. 

The former of these without any resistance built a fort in 
Mount Tabor, to the great annoyance of the Christians. To 
prevent further mischief arising from Alroerick's negligence, 

' Psalm ix. 12. ' Of Chilperick king of France. 

160 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1209 ^ 

the pope (who would have a finger in every crown, and a 
hand in this) deposed him from the kingdom. This Alme- 
ricky grieved to lose what he was never careful to keepy soon 
after died for sorrow. But how doth this agree with Marinus 
Sanutus, who maketh him to die of a surfeit of giltheads ' 
five years sooner, and saith there was five years' interregnum 
in Palestine, wherein the Christians had no king at all ? 

Chap. XXIV. — John Bren made King of Jerusalem, A 
most promising Voi/age into PcUestine of new Pilgrims^ 
who remove the Seat of' the War into Egypt, 

IN the place of Almerick the pope appointed John de 
Bren, a private French gentleman, to be king [1209] ; 
who, to twist his title with another string, married Maria 
lole, the sole daughter of Conrad, late king of Jerusalem. 
This John had behaved himself right valiantly amongst * 
other Latin princes in the voyage against the Greeks, and 
was a most martial man, as all do witness : only one calleth 
him imbellem hominem"^; why I know not, except he be of 
that humour to delight to be one of the antipodes, treading 
opposite to a world of writers besides. In the beginning 
of nis refgn this accident (whether monstrous or miraculous) 
fell out [1213] : in France, a boy (for his years) went about 
singing m his own tongue, 

Jesus, Lord, repair our loss ; 
Restore to us thy holy cross. 

Numberless children ran afler him, and followed the same ^ 
tune their captain and chanter did set them. No bolts, no 
bars, no fear of fathers or love of mothers, could hold diem 
back, but they would to the Holy Land to work wonders 
there; till their merry music had a sad close, all either ^ 
perishing on land or drowned by sea. It was done (saith 
my author 3) by the instinct of the devil, who, as it were, 
desired a cordial of children's blood to comfort his weak 
stomach long cloyed with murdering of men. ^ 

Soon after began the Lateran council under Innocent 
III. [1215] ; wherein many things were concluded for the 
recovery ofthe Holy Land : as, that the cross should every 
where be preached with zeal and earnestness to procure *; 

' A fish called aurata, or aurella. 

* Tbeod. ^ Niein, De Privileg. Imper. cap. De Expedit. 
Hierosol. ^ 

' Matth. Paris, in anno 1913, p. 324. — Prsstigio diabolico i 
penitos infatuati. 

A. D. 1217 THE HOLY WAR. 161 

pilgrims ; that all tiltings in Christendom for three years 
should be forbidden, that so the spear^ of Christians might 
only be broken against infidels^; that clergymen that went 
this voyage might (if need were) mortgage their church 
livings for three years to provide themselves with present 
necessaries ; that all debtors, during their pilgrimage (though 
bound by oath in conscience, the strongest specialty), should 
be dispensed with to pay no use to their creditors ; who, if 
Christians, by excommunications ; if Jews, were to be forced 
by the secular power to remit their interest ; that all priests 
should contribute the twentieth part of their revenues for 
three years, to advance this design. '' And lest (saith his 
holiness) we should seem to lay heavy burdens on others 
which we will not touch with our least finger, we assign a 
ship at our own cost to carry out pilgrims of the city of 
Rome; and disburse for the present what can be spared 
from our necessary expenses, to the sum of thirty thousand 
pounds, to further the project ; and ibr three years to come, 
we and our brethren the cardinals of Rome will fully pay 
the tenth of our church profits/' 

Hereupon next spring a numerous army set forward to 
Palestine [1216], conducted by Pelagius the pope's legate, 
Andrew king of Hungary (who having vtrashed himself in 
the river of Jordan, would stay no longer, but instantly re- 
turned home), the three electoral archbishops, with those of 
Liege, Wurtzburg, Bamberg, Strasburg, raris, &c. Louis 
duke of Bavaria, Leopold of Austria, a navy of our English, 
besides Florentines, Genoans, and many other nations. 
The autnmn they spent in the fruitless besieging of the 
fort of Mount Tabor ; whilst King John Bren won from 
the Turks the castle of Pilgrims, a place of great conse- 
quence on the sea-side [Nov.], 

1217]. Then was it debated on both sides of translating 
the war into Egypt ; which many advised to be done : for 
that country afforded the Turks their victuals and munition, 
and the best way to draw them low was to stop them in the 
fountain. It was also most honour to rouse the lion in his 
own den. And Palestine was so foraged, that there was 
nothing to be gleaned in the stubble ; whereas Egypt was so 
rich and fruitful, it cared not for the frowns of heaven, so it 
might have the favour of Nilus;-and there was no fear to 
want bread in that the granary of the world. That accord- 
ing to the rule. Plus animi est inferenti periculuniy quctm 

* Centariat. Cent. 13, cap. 9. 



162 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1217 

propuUantiy the Christians would be heartened, but the 
Egyptians discouraged in the invasion of Egypt. The sad 
spectacle of their country's vastation would disturb their 
minds, make them diffident of their own worth, and in^ 
sufficient to maintain their cause. Lastly, the Christians 
might leave when they list, reserving at all times Ptolemais 
to entertain them in case fortune should cross their designs. 

But the reasons to the contrary wanted not weight but 
weighing. They considered not (what was objected) that 
to invade a strong entire country without having a party 
within it to side with them, was to endeavour to cleave a 
tree with a beetle without a wedge. Besides, Egypt was an 
exception from the rules of all other countries, and had 
certain local maxims of leading an army appropriated to it 
alone. That valour must needs have the fall, when it 
wrestletli with nature itself, and fighteth against bogs, 
rivers, and inundations. That it was more agreeable to 
reason, first to recover and defend what once was their 
own, before they attempted other men's possessions. That 
these their forces afforded little hope of victory in another 
kingdom, which were not able to clear their own country, 
and the forts in Syria, from so dangerous an enemy. Lastly, 
that the Egyptians fighting for their fathers, wives, and 
children, would raise their valour to the highest point of 
resolution. These arguments notwithstanding, the watch- 
word was given for Egypt, whither all addressed them- 

And here began the discords betwixt King John and the 
pope's legate, who challenged not only an influence but a 
predominancy in every thing, and would dictate to the 
general what he should do in martial afiairs ; he presumed 
on his book-learning to control the practice of experienced 
captains by his military speculations. The king stormed 
hereat, showing there were some mysteries in the captain- 
craft hot communicable to any which had not served the 
trade, and which the heart of a scholar was too narrow to 
contain ; that though scholarship was a stock fit to graft 
any profession on, yet some good time is requisite there- 
unto, and that they must not think to proceed military 
masters at their first admission in a camp ; that though the 
legate might conceive himself to know the latitude of war- 
like principles, yet he knew not the use of distinctions, ex- 
ceptions, and cautions of application, and might easily be 
misled by disproportion and dissimilitude of examples, the 
variation of circumstances, the infiniteness of punctual 

A, D. 1218 THE HOLT WAR. 163 

occarrences: wherefore he forbade him to meddle with 
martial matters, challengiog them to belong to his own dis- 
posal. But Pelagius the legate, highly opiuioned of his own 
sufficiency, as if his place made him in&llible in every thing, 
and loath to confess himself besides the cushion whilst he 
sat in the chair, would have an oar in all actions. He held 
this conclusion, that the general rules of war were easily 
known ; and as for the qualification of them pro exigentia 
kic et minCy herein reason was the key of the work, which 
scholars having most perfected by learning, were thereby 
the most competent judges what should be done on all 
occasions. How dearly the Christians paid for this his 
error, and how this discord, smothered for a while, brake 
out, we shall see hereafter. Meantime, hoising up sails, 
the pilgrims* navy safely arrived at Damietta. 

Chap. XXV. — Damietta besieged and taken. The Christians 
unadvisedly refuse honourable Conditions, 

DAMIETTA is a chief haven of Egypt, anciently Pelu* 
sium ; seated on the easternmost stream of the Nile. 
Here the east and west world met together to exchange their 
wars, she grudging for trade to give the upper hand to 
Alexandria itself. At their landing the moon was almost 
totally eclipsed' [July 9, 1218]; whence the Christians 
conceited (guess tne frailness of the building by the incon- 
stancy of the foundation) that the overthrow of the Maho- 
metans (whose ensign was the half-moon^) was portended. 
But the calculators of after-chances seldom hit right. In th^ 
siege of this city they were to encounter with a fourfold 
difficulty, besides Damietta itself : — 

First, with a great chain crossing the harbour; which 
with indefatigable pains, and art mingled with labour, they 
brake asunder ; industry in action being as importunity in 
speech, by continual inculcation forcing a yielding beyond 
the strength of reason. 

Secondly, the river Nile did much annoy them. This 
river (the height of whose flowing is the Egyptian almanack, 
whereby they prognosticate future plenty or penury) now 
out of time and beyond measure drowned the country. Bold 
fishes swam into the Christians' tents, who took them with 
their hands, though willingly they could have wanted such 
dainties^ ; for the sauce was more than the meat. Against 

^ Matth. Paris, in Joan. p. 401. ' Munster. 

' lUis tamen deliciis carere maluissent. — Matth. Par. p. 405. 

164 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1219 

this mischief they fenced themselves with prayer, and a 
public fast enjoined by the legate ; whereby the water soon 
abated. And lestGrod's mercy herein, when gotten, should 
be forgotten, a public thanksgiving was proclaimed, that 
this favour obtained by prayer might be kept by praises. 

Thirdly, they were to grapple with the fort of Pharia, a 
seeming impregnable place, betwixt them and Damietta. 
To check this fort, the Christians built a tower on ships ; 
which suddenly falling, brained many, bruised more of their 
own men ; and all who felt not the blow were stricken with 
the fright. King John comforted his soldiers discouraged 
hereat, desiring them to apprehend actions by their true 
causes ; and as not to vaunt of blind victories, so not to be 
dismayed at casual mishaps, so purely accidental, that there 
was no guard against them in the schools of defence, either 
of wisdom or valour. By his advice a more substantial 
tower was built, the rarest piece in that kind the world ever 
saw ; by the manning whereof, after many bloody assaults, 
they mastered the fort of Pharia [Aug. 24 J. 

Fourthly, they had to do with Meladin king of Egypt, 
who lay beside them, constantly furnishing the city with 
men and victuals, and exercising the Christians with con- 
tinual skirmishes. In one, vnth his wildfire he did them 
much harm, and King John was dangerously scorched [Feb. 
1219]. But seeing that the Christians hewed their way 
through the rocks of all difficulties, he propounded peace 
unto them by the mediation of Noradin his brother, king of 
Damascus ; proffering them, if they would depart, to restore 
them the true cross, the city of Jerusalem, and all the land 
of Palestine. 

The English, French, and Italians would have embraced 
the conditions ♦, pleading, that honourable peace was the 
centre of war, where it should rest ; that they could not 
satisfy their conscience to rob these Egyptians of their lands 
without a special command from God ; that it was good 
wisdom to take so desperate a debt whensoever the pay- 
ment was tendered ; otherwise, if they would not be content 
with their arms full, they might perchance return with their 
hands empty. 

But the legate would noways consent, alleging this 
voyage was undertaken not only for the recovery of Pales- 
tine, but for the extirpation of the Mahometan superstition. 
And herein no doubt he followed the instructions of his 

* P. iEmil. p. 201. 

A.D.1220 THE HOLY WAR. 165 

master, whose end in this war was, that this war should have 
no end, but be always in doing though never done. He 
knew it was dangerous to stop an issue which had been long 
open, and would in no case close up this vent of people 
by concluding a final peace. Besides, an old prophecy, 
that a Spaniard should win Jerusalem, and work wonders 
in those parts, mdde Pelagius that countryman more zealous 
herein K Coradin, angry his proffer was refused, beat down 
the walls of Jerusalem and all the beautiful buildings 
therein, save the Tower of David and the Temple of the 
Sepulchre. Not long after, Damietta, having been besieged 
one year and seven months, was taken without resistance 
[Nov. 5] ; plague and famine had made such a vastation 
therein. The Christians entered with an intent to kill all ; 
but their anger soon melted into pity, beholding the city all 
bestrewed with corpses. The sight was bad, and the scent 
was worse, for the dead killed the living. Yea, God*s 
sword had left their sword no work : of threescore and ten 
thousand, but three thousand remained ^ ; who had their 
lives pardoned on condition to cleanse the city, which em- 
ploy ea them a quarter of a year. Hence the Christians 
marched and took the city of Tanis ; and soon after the pope 
substituted John de Columna, a cardinal, legate in the 
place of Pelagius ^ . 

Chap. XXVI. — New Discords betwixt the King and the 
Legate. They march up to besiege Cairo, 

GREAT was the spoil they found in Damietta [1220], 
wherein, as in strong barred chests, the merchants of 
Egypt and India had locked up their treasure. A full 
year the Christians stayed here, contented to make this inn 
their home. Here arose new discords betwixt the king and 
the new legate, who by virtue of his legation challenged 
Damietta for his holiness, which by public agreement was 
formerly assigned to the king. Bren in anger returned to 
Ptolemais, both to puff out his discontents in private, and to 
teach the Christians his worth by wanting him; for pre- 
sently <hey found themselves at a loss ; neither could they 
stand still without disgrace, nor go on without danger. 
The legate commanded them to march up ; but they had 
too much spirit to be ruled by a spiritual man, and s)vore 
not to stir a step except the king was with them. Messen- 

* Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 692. 

< P. iEmil. p. tOS, f Magdeburg, p. 693. 

166 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1220 

gers, therefore, were sent to Ptolemais to fetch him. They 
found him of a steely nature ; once thorough hot, long in 
cooling: yet by promising him he should have his own 
desires, they overpersuaded him not to starve an army by 
feeding his own humours. 

Scarce, after eight months' absence, was he returned to 
Damietta, but new divisions were betwixt them. The l^ate 
persuaded the army to march up and besiege Cairo; he 
promised, if they would obey him, they should quickly 
command all Egypt, by present invading it. Let defend-^ 
ants lie at a close guard, and offer no play. Delays are a 
safe shield to save, but celerity the best sword to win a 
country. Tlius Alexander conquered the world before it 
could bethink itself to make resistance. And thus God 
now opened them a door of victory, except they would bar 
it up by their own idleness. 

But the king advised to return into Syria; that Cairo 
was difficult to take, and impossible to keep; that the 
ground whereon they went was as treacherous as the people 
against whom they fought ; that better now to retire with 
honour, than hereafter fly with shame ; that none but an 
empiric in war will deny, but that more true valour is in an 
orderly well grounded retreat, than in a furious ra^ in-^ 

Bat the legate used an inartificial argument drawn from 
the authority of his place, thundering excommunication 
against those that would not march forward: and now 
needs must they go when he driveth them. 

The crafty Egyptians (of whom it is true, what is said of 
the Partbians, their flight is more to be feared than their 
fight) ran away, counterfeiting cowardliness. The Chris- 
tians triumphed hereat ; as if the silly fish should rejoice 
that he had caught the fisherman, when he had swallowed 
his bait. The legate hugged himself in his own happiness, 
that he had given so successful advice. And now see how 
the garland of their victory proved the halter to strangle 

Chap. XXVII. — The miserable Case of the drowned Chris- 
tians in Egypt, Damietta surrendered in Ransom of their 

EGYPT is a low level country, except some few advan> 
tages which the Egyptians had fortified for themselves. 
Through the midst of the land ran the river Nile, whose 
stream they had so bridled with banks and sluices, that they 

A. D. 1220 THE HOLY WAR. 167 

could keep it to be their own servant, and make it their 
enemies' master at pleasure. The Christians confidently 
marched on ; and the Turks, perceiving the game was come 
within the toil, pierced their banks, and unmuzzling the 
river, let it run open mouth upon them ; yet so, that at first 
they drowned them up but to the middle, reserving their 
lives for a further purpose, thereby in exchange to recover 
Damietta and their country's liberty. 

See here the land of Egypt turned in an instant into the 
Egyptian sea ! See an army of sixty thousand, as the neck 
of one man, stretched on the block, and waiting the fatal 
stroke ! Many cursed the legate, and their own rashness, 
that they should follow the counsel of a gowned man (all 
whose experience was clasped in a book) rather than the 
advice of experienced captains. But too late repentance, 
because it soweth not in season, reapeth noUiing but 
unavoidable misery. 

Meladin king of Egypt, seeing the constancy and patience 
of the Christians, was moved wiUi compassion towards them. 
He had of himself strong inclinations to Christianity, weary 
of Mahometanism, and willing to break that prison, but for 
watchful jailers about him. He proffered the Christians 
their lives on condition they would quit the countiy and 
restore Damietta. They accepted the conditions, and sent 
messengers to Damietta to prepare them for the surrender- 
ing of it. But they within the city, being themselves safe on 
shore, tyrannized on their poor brethren in shipwreck, 
pretending that this army of pilgrims deserved no pity, who 
had invited this misfortune on themselves by their own rash- 
ness; that if they yielded up thb city for nothing, which 
cost so many lives, they should betray themselves to the 
derision of the whole world ; that if these perished, more 
men might be had, but no more Damiettas ; being a place 
of such importance, it would always be a snaffle in the mouth 
of the Egyptian king. On the other side, the friends of the 
distressed Christians confessed that indeed their voyage was 
unadvised and justly to be blamed; yet worse and more 
inconsiderate projects have armies oft undertaken, which, if 
crowned with success, have been above censure ; yea, have 
passed not only without questioning but with commenda^ 
tions. But this is the misery of misery, that those who are 
toost afflicted of God shall be most condemned of men. 
Wherefore they requested them to pity their brethren, and 
not to leave them in this forlorn estate. How clamorous 
would their innocent blood be in the court of Heaven, to sue f' 


168 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1220 

for revenge on those who forsook them in this distress ! 
And grant Damietta a city of gr^t consequence, yet cities 
in themselves were but dead things, and men were the 
souls to enliven them : so that those soldiers which won 
Damietta, if preserved alive, might haply recover as strong 
a city afterwards. 

But finding their arguments not to prevail, they betook 
themselves to arms, by force to compel the adverse party 
to resign the city. King John also threatened, in case they 
denied to surrender it, to gi^e up to Meladin Ptolemais in 
Syria in exchange for Damietta. At last, according to the 
agrreemeut, Damietta was restored to the Turks, and the 
Christian army let out of the trap wherein it was taken. 
Meladin out of his princely goodness furnished them with 
victuals, and with horses to carry their feeble persons upon *. 
And thus the Christians had the greatest blow given them 
without a blow given them ; the Egyptians obtaining their 
victory not by blood but by water. 

Chap. XXVIII. — John Bren resigneth the Kingdom of 
Jerusalem to Frederick the Second^ German Emperor. 

THERE was also concluded a peace with the Turks for 
eight years. And now matters being settled as well 
as they might be in Syria, King John took a journey to 
Rome, where he was bountifiilly feasted, and honourably 
entertained by the pope. Here it was agreed (whether at 
the first by his voluntary offer, or working of others, it 
appeareth not) that he should resign the kingdom of Jeru- 
salem to Frederick II., German emperor, who was to 
marry lole, the sole daughter of King John by his first 
wife, though by a second he had another, Martha, married 
to Robert emperor of Constantinople, so that he was father- 
in-law both to emperor of east and west. 

Some condemned his resignation as an unadvised act, as 
if he had first parted from his wits, who would willingly 
part from a kingdom; whilst others commend his discretion. 
For, first, his wife was dead, in whose right he held his 
kingdom, and thereby a door was opened for other litigious 
pretenders to the crown. Secondly, it was policy,/ifgerc ne 
fugaretur ; yea, this was no flight, but an honourable de- 
parture. Well he knew the Turks* power to invade, and 
nis own weakness to defend what was left in Syria ; so that 
finding the weight too heavy for himself, he did well to lay it 

» P. iEmil. p. 205. 

A. D. 1227 THE HOLY WAR. 169 

on stronger shoulders. Thirdly, before his resignation he 
had little more than a title ; and after it he had nothing less, 
men having so tuned their tongues to salute him king 
of Jerusalem, that he was so called to the day of his death. 
Lastly, what he wanted in the stateliness of his bed, he had 
in the soundness of his sleep; and though his commons 
perchance were shorter, yet he battled better on them. 

He got now more in a twelvemonth than in seven years 
before, going from country to country ; and vet the farther 
this stone rolled, the more lyoss he gathered. In France, 
besides rich gifts left to himself, he had the managing of 
sixty thousand crowns ; the legacy which Philip Augustus 
the king on his death-bed bequeathed to the Templars and 
the holy war*. In England he received ftt>m Henry III. 
many great presents, Uiough afterwards he proved but 
unthankftil for them^. In Spain he got a rich wife, Berin- 
garia, the daughter of the king of Castile. In Italy he 
tasted very largely of the pope's liberality, and lived there 
in good esteem. But he went off the stage without any 
applause, because he lost himself in his last act, perfidiously 
raising rebellions against Frederick, his son-in-law^ at the 
instigation of his holiness. Nor recovered he his credit, 
though after he went to his son, Robert, to Constantinople, 
and there did many good offices. He died anno 1237. 

Chap. XXIX.— TA^ true Character of Frederick. How 
the Historic of' his Life is prejudiced by the Partiality of 
Authors on both Sides, 

THE nuptial solemnities of Frederick with the Lady 
lole were performed at Rome, in the presence of the 
pope, with all ceremonies of majesty ; and Frederick pro- 
mised to prosecute in person his title in Palestine within 
two years. Little hope have I to content the reader in this 
king's life, who cannot satisfy myself; writers of that age 
are so possessed with partiality 3. The faction of the 
Guelfes and Gibellines discovereth not itself more plainly 
in the camp than in the chronicles; yea, historians turn 
schoolmen in matters of ftict, arguing them pro et con. 
And as it is in the fable of the man that had two wives, 
whilst his old wife plucked out his black hairs, the evidence 

» P. JEmil. in Phil. «, p. 205. « Matth. Paris, p. 627. 

* Blond us, Fazellus, &c. for the Pop«. Ursperg. Petrus de 
Vineis (till corrupted with bribes), &c. for the emperor. 
Matth. Paris, a moderate man, whom we follow most. 

170 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1227 

of his youth, his young one un-grayhaired him, that no 
standards of antiquity might remain, they made him bald 
betwixt them : so amongst our late writers ; whilst Protest 
tants cut off the authority from all papized writers of that 
age, and Romanists cast away the witness of allimpehaiized 
authors then living (such as Urspergensis is, and generally 
all Germans), counting them testes domesticos, and therefore 
of no validi^ : betwixt them they draw all history of that 
time very slender, and make it almost quite nothing. We 
will not engage ourselves in their quarrels ; but may safely 
believe that Frederick was neither saint nor devil, but man. 
Many virtues in him his' foes must commend, and some 
vices his friends must confess. He was very learned^, 
according to the rate of that age, especially for a prince, who 
only baiteth at learning, and maketh not his profession to 
lodge in. Wise he was in projecting, nor were his thoughts 
ever so scattered v^ith any sudden accident, but he could 
instantly recollect himself. Valiant he was, and very fortu- 
nate, though this tendeth more to God's praise than his ; 
wondrous bountiful to scholars and soldiers, whose good 
will he enjoyed, for he paid for it. 

But this gold had its allay of cruelty, though this was 
not so much bred in him as he brought to it. Treasons 
against him were so frequent, he could not be safe but must 
be severe, nor severe without incurring the aspersion of 
cruelty. His pride was excessive, and so was his wanton- 
ness : a nun's veil was but a slender shield against his 
lust. This sin he was given to', which was besides the 
custom of the Dutch, saith one, who, though great friends to 
Bacchus, are no favourites of Venus ; which is strange, that 
they should heap up so much fuel, and have no more fire. 

In a word, he was abetter emperor than a man, his 
▼ices being personal, most hurting himself; his virtues of a 
public nature, and accomplishing him for government. 

Chap. XXX. — Mines and Countermines hetwixt the Em- 
peror and the Pope, seeking to blow upy or at leastwise to 
8t€a/f the Projects each of other. 

IT is verily conceived that the pope provided this match 
for Frederick to employ him in Palestine, whilst he at 
home might play his game at pleasure. For as provident 
Nature, in marshaling the elements, assigned fire a place 
in the verge and border of this lower world far from tlie 

* Pantal. De Viris illustr. Germ, part 2, p. 121. 

* Fraeter gentis morem. — Ignatius. 

A. D. 1227 THE HOLY WAR. 171 

rest, lest otherwise the activity thereof might set the others 
in combustion; so the pope disposed this hot yiolent- 
spirited emperor hr off, and engaged him in a distant and 
dbangerous war out of the borders of Europe. 

Frederick smelled the project of his holiness, being alaa 
master in the art of dissembling, though he must acknow* 
ledge the pope his senior in that faculty ; wherefore he 
deferred the performance of his promise and his voyage 
into Palestine from month to month, and year to year, wisely 
gaining time by losing it. 

The truth was, he was not yet ripe for such an expedi- 

The pope was afraid of his valour, he of the pope's 
treachery, and more feared him behind his back than the 
Turk before his face. He was loath to let go the eagle he 
had in hand, to catch the little bird that was in the bush. 
Wherefore as yet he refused to go, pleading that the eight 
years' truce which King Bren had made with the Turks was 
not yet expired ; before which time to fight against them was 
to fight against God and conscience ; and that it was no way 
to propagate the faith by breach of faith. 

Pope Honorius continued still to put him in mind of his 
promise ; yea, he rubbed his memory so roughly, he fetched 
off the skin with his threats and menaces. But before Fre^ 
derick's journey began, Honorius^s life ended [March 19], 
and Gregory IX. succeeded him, who at the first dash ex- 
communicated the emperor for his delay. 

Know by the way, that his namesake Gregory VII. (other- 
wise Hildebrand) first handseled his excommunication on 
Henry IV. Before his time the imperial majesty (what is 
observed of the seal, that it is never hit with thunder) was 
never fulminated against with excommunication; afterward 
nothing more usual, till the commonness of those thunder- 
bolts caused their contempt, and the emperors' natures were 
so used to this physic it would not work with them. Of 
late bis holiness is grown more advised, very sparingly 
using them, especially against protestant princes, counting 
it policy to hold that weapon within the scabbard which 
hath no other edge but what is given it by the opinion of 
those against whom it is used. 

Frederick at last cometh forth ofGermany with his army, 
marcheth through Italy, cometh to Brindisi, where the 
plague seizeth on his men, whereof died the landgrave of 
Thuringia [September 1 3], and others. Soon after he fell 
very desperately sick himself, which stayed his journey 
many months. 

172 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1228 

It went near to the pope that the emperor was so near 
to him ; his case- now was worse than formerly, for he had 
^.i^ed'the lion out of his den, but could not get him into 
,thi3.' net His sickness must either be more or less to do 
good. And the pope having no variety of weapons, excom- 
municated him afresh, pretending Frederick's disease was 
only the cramp of laziness, and that he was sick to do good, 
but sound to ao mischief, as appeared by his unjust seizing 
on the goods of Louis landgrave of Thuringia, late de- 

The emperor protested his innocency, accused the pope's 
injustice, putting himself on the trial of all Christian 
princes, to whom he wrote letters. At last health came, 
and Fi^erick departed [Aug. IJ, 1228], bearing up with 
his navy for Palestme. The pope hearing thereof, belibelled 
him more foully than ever before, because like an undutiful 
son he departed without his Other's blessing, being not 
absolved and reconciled to his mother the church. 

Chap. XXXI. — Frederick recovereth all Palestine and 
Jerusalem without Expense of Time or Blood. 

SEE how God*s blessing goeth along with the pope's 
curses 1 The fame of Frederick's valour and maiden 
fortune, never as yet spoted with ill success, like a har- 
binger hastening before, had provided victory to entertain 
him at his arrival ; yea, this emperor, swifter than Caesar 
himself, overcame before he came over into Palestine. 

At this time the state of the Turks in Syria was very 
aguish, and Frederick's coming put them into a shaking fit. 
Coradin was dead, his children in minority, the Turkish 
souldans factious, boiling in enmity one against another*. 
Whereupon the sultan of Babylon, who was of chiefest 
authority, and governed Syria, proffered Frederick so ho- 
nourable conditions as he might desire, but could never 
hope for : namely, to restore unto him Jerusalem and all 
Psdestine, in as Uill and ample a manner as it was possessed 
by Baldwin IV., before Saladin subdued it; to set all 
Christian captives at liberty, provided that the Turks might 
have access to the sepulchre (though not lodging in tlie city 
but suburbs, and that in small numbers at a time), there to 
do their devotions, they also having a knowledge of, and 
giving an honour to Christ, though no better than ignorance 
and dishonour of him. 

Frederick, before he ratified any thing by oath, sent to 

^ Centuriat. 

A. D. 12-29 THE HOLY WAR. 173 

have the pope's approbation, who ill entreated and im- 
prisoned his messengers, denied them audience, and con- 
temptuously tore the emperor's letters*. Wherefore Frede- 
rick without, yea, against his holiness*s consent, concluded 
a ten years' truce with the sultan ; and on Easter day 
triumphantly entering Jerusalem, crowned himself king with 
his own hands ^ [1229]. For Gerard patriarch of Jeru- 
salem, and Oliver master of the Templars, with all the 
clergy, absented themselves; neither was there any mass 
sung in the city as long as the emperor being excommuni- 
cated remained there*. 

See that produced as it were in an instant, which the 
succession of many years could not perform, all the Holy 
Land recovered ! Some gallants perchance (whose curious 
palates count all conquests dry meat which are not juiced 
with blood) will dispraise this emperor's victory for the 
best praise thereof, because it was so easily gotten without 
drawing his sword for it. But they deserve to go nakeid, 
who scorn to wear good clothes if they cost not dear. 

The Templars were vexed at heart that^ they .had no 
partnership in the glory of this action ; yea, this touched 
their copyhold. Had they lived lazy thus long in Pales- 
tine, sucking the sweet of Christendom to no purpose ' 1 
See Frederick, with few men, little money, less time, as 
master of his craft, had finished that which these bunglers 
had so long in vain been fumbling about I 

Wherefore they, wanting true merit to raise themselves to 
the pitch of Frederick's honour, sought by false detraction 
to depress him to the depth of their own baseness ; defaming 
him, as if he conspired with the sultan to the ruin of all 
Christianity. In the mean time the Christians every where 
built and repaired the cities of Palestine, being now resigned 
into their hands. Joppa and Nazareth they strongly forti- 
fied : the walls of Jerusalem were repaired, the churches 
therein adorned, and all public edifices either wholly cast 
their skin with the snake, or at leastwise renewed their bill 
with the eagle, having their fronts either built or beautified. 
But new tackling to an old rotten keel will never make 
serviceable ship. Short were the smiles of this city, which, 
groaning under God's old curse, little joyed herself in this 
her new bravery. 

» Centuriat. ® Matth. Paris, in anno 1229, p. 480. 
* Mattb. Paris, in anno 1229, p. 479. ^ Idem, ibidem. 


Chap. l.^-FrederUk iattered with the Pope'$ ForcCj and 
undermined with his Frauds leaveth Palestine^ and re- 
tumeth into Italy, 

THUS the Christians' afiairs in Palestine were in good 
case and possibility of improvement [1229]. But the 
pope knew he should catch no fish if the waters were thus 
clear; wherefore he stirred up John Bren, Frederick's 
father-in-law (guess whether his plots ran not low when he 
used such dregs) to raise a rebellion in Italy against him. 

His holiness spread a false report of purpose, that Frede- 
rick was dead. Who would think there were so much 
substance in a shadow? This vain rumour wrought real 
effects, strengthening Frederick's foes with hopes, and 
staggering his friends with fear and uncertainties. Bren, 
striking the iron whilst it was hot, won many places from 
the emperor. And though Time soon after was delivered 
of her daughter Truth, yet the confutation came too late, to 
shut the door when the steed was stolen ; the pope having 
attained his ends, and served his turn already. 

A jubilee of liberty was proclaimed to all the emperor's 
subjects, and they dispensed with from the pope for their 
allegiance to him. Milan, and many other cities in Italy, 
formerly imperial, danced at this music, made a foot-cloth 
of their master's livery, and from this time dated themselves 
free states. Here was brave gleaning, where all ran away 
with whole sheaves ; where robbery was privileged for lawful 
purchase. And the pope, wise enough not so to grive away 
the pie but to keep the best comer for himself* carved all 
Apulia for his own part. 

Whilst hostility in Italy, treason beset Frederick in Syria : 
the Templars intimated to the sultan his privy project to 
wash himself in Jordan, that so he might be surprised. But 
the sultan (no doubt out of pity to see a lion catched in 
a fox-trap, there being a consanguinity of all princes, and 
the royal blood which runneth in their veins causing a 
sympathy of majesty betwixt them) scorned to advantage 
himself by treachery, and sent their letters to Frederick, 
who afterwards used the Templars, and generally all the 

A, D. 1229 THE HOLY WAR. 


cleigy in Palestine (counting them accomplices with the 
pope) coarsely y not to say cruelly. 

At last having confirmed his ten years' truce, and having 
appointed Reinold duke of Bavaria his lieutenant in Syria, 
without noise hecomethinto Europe; for to return triumph- 
antly in state had been but an alarm to awaken envy, and a 
warning piece for his enemies to prepare against him. He 
outsailed fame itself, landing in Italy in person before he 
arrived there in report. Then the love of his loyal subjects, 
hitherto rather coverted than quenched, appeared ; and 
though formerly forced to a contrary motion, returned now 
quickly to their own prince, their proper centre. 

Within fifteen days, assisted with the duke of Spoletum, 
Frederick recovered all which was won from him, and 
unravelled the fair web of John Bren's victory, even to the 
very hem thereof. 

Then was all Italy (resembled by geographers, for the 
fashion thereof, to a man's leg) troubled with the incurable 
gout of schism and faction : not a city of note in it which 
was not dichotomized into the sect of the Guelfes, which 
favoured the pope, and Gibellines, which adhered to the 

the Pope, 

the Emperor. 

Guelfegfor GibeUines for 
the Pope, the Emperor, 





Fosci Spinolae 



Grimaldi Adumii 
Fregosii Dorii 



Adimarii Pazii 
Bondelmontii Uberti 
Amidei Donati 
Cercbii Albicii 

Caneduli Bentivoli 
Pepuli Malvecii 






Estenses Saligureri 


IN ] 





Vicecomites Turregiani 




Gonzag® Bonacursii ' 

> These are collected out of Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, 
p. 303. 

176 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1232 

I will not quarrel with the tradition, that elves and goblins, 
in our English tongue, had their first original from the de- 
pravation of the names of Guelfes and Gibellines^. If so, 
sure I am, what now we make terrkulamenta infantum^ 
scarecrows to affright children, were then true harpies to 
devour men. 

I would farther prosecute these discords ; and also show 
how Frederick was forced to ask pardon of him who had 
most wronged him, and dearly to purchase his absolution 
from the pope (for though this emperor's heart was as hard 
as stone, yet was it furrowed, dinted, and hollowed at last 
with the pope's constant dropping and incessant raining of 
curses upon him); but I dare wander no farther in this 
subject, lest any should question my pass ; but return back 
to the Holy Land. 

Chap. II. — The Tartars frst appearivg in theWorld affright 
both Christians and Turks, Of their Name and ISfature, 
Whether Turks or Tartars be easier convertible to the true 

REINOLD duke of Bavaria, being left Frederick's 
lieutenant in Syria, wisely discharged his office, and 
preserved the peace entire which was concluded with the 
sultan of Babylon. But the Templars sought by all means 
to bring this ten years' truce to an untimely end; which was 
as bad as a Lent to them, wherein they must fast from 
fighting, the meat and drink of turbulent spirits. These, 
counting all lukewarm which were not scalding hot, con- 
demned Reinold for want of zeal in the holy war, and gave 
him many a lift to heave him irom his place ; but still he 
sat sure, poised with his own gravity. Nor did the enmity 
of Henry king of Cyprus much trouble him, who challenged 
the principality of Antioch, as next of kin to the prince 
deceased : for Reinold met and defeated him in battle, and 
bestowed Antioch on Frederick, base son to Frederick the 
emperor' [1232 J. 

But that which kept both ChristiaTis and Turks in awe, 
and made them willing mutually to observe the truce, was the 
fear of the Tartars, a fierce nation, which now had their first 
flight out of their own nest into the neighbouring countries. 

These Tartarians, anciently called Scythians, inhabit the 
northern part of Asia, a country never conquered by any of 
the monarchs, privileged from their victorious arms chiefly 

^ Sir John Harrington. * Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16. 

a.D. 1232 THE BOLT WAIL 17T 

by its own barrenness : for except soldiers were ambitious 
of hunger and cold, here is nothing to countervail their 
pains of an inyasion ; yea, no meat to maintain them. It is 
true, rhubarb the best of drugs groweth in this the worst 
of countries: but soldiers seek ra&er for food than physic 
when they invade a country. A greater part of their land 
is undiscovered, though map-makers, rather than they will 
have their maps naked and bald, do periwig them with 
&lse hair, and fill up the vacuum (especially towards the 
north) with imaginary places of Ung, and Gog, and the 
plains of Bargu* : so true it is what one saith wittily in the 
comedy, ''that Phantastes, the servant of Geographus, tn^ 
veiled farther beyond the arctic circle than ever his master 

If it be surest to follow the most, the stream of writers 
make it called Tartaria from the river Tartar; but Europe 
and Asia will by woful experience justify the etymology> if 
deduced from Tariarw, Hell. For when the spring-tides 
of this nation overflowed the banks, hell might seem to have 
broken loose, and to have sent so many devils abroad. 

As for those that count them the o£&pring of the ten 
tribes of Israel, which Salmanaser led away captive, because 
Taiari or Totari signifieth in the Hebrew and Syriac 
tongue, a residue or remnant, learned men have sufficiently 
confuted it 3. And surely it seemeth a forced and over- 
strained deduction, to farfetch the name of Tartars from a 
Hebrew word, a language so far distant from them^ But 
no more hereof: because perchance herein the woman's 
reason hath a masculine truth; and the Tartarians are called 
so, because they are called so. It may be, curious etymo- 
logists (let them lose their wages who work in difficult 
trifles) seek to reap what was never sown^ whilst they study 
to make those veords speak reason, which are only vocei ad 
piadtnm, imposed at pleasure. 

Under their new name Tartarians, they keep .their old 
tiature of Scythians, fierce, cruel ; yea, sometimes, instead 
of other meat, making man their meat. One humour they 
have, much afiecting the owl^ a bird which other nations 
scorn and hate, as the usher of ill luck. The occasion was 
this :— A king of Tartary, Sought for by his enemies, hid him* 
self in a bush, whither his foes came to seek him; when 

^ See Mercator^s itoapsv 

^ See Brierwood's Inquiries, chap. 13; ^ 

^' ^bellv Enm '^, libv 6, p« 391* 

178 TEE HI STOUT OF ▲.d:1S3S 

presently an owl flew out «if the place : wfaerenpon iStnej 
desisted from further search, QonceiviDg that that anchorite 
hird pcodaimed oothing was there but aolHiide and deso- 
lation. Hence in gratitude they never count themselFes 
more gay than when their helmets are hung with owls' fea* 
thers. Whereat I should strange more, but that I find this 
fowl dedicated to Minenra, the goddess of wit^, and that 
Athens (schoolmistress of the world) counted it a token of 
victory. The king of these Tartarians styleth himself the 
great cham, and is monarch of a great part of the world in 
possession, of the rest in imagination. He taketh and his 
subjects give him litde less Chan divme honour; who in 
other things at dnis time were pure pagans and idolaters. 
Now their country, which is like a poor man whose common 
is overstocked with children, swarming with more bees than 
hives, sent their superfluous numbers to seek their fortunes 
amongst the Christians. They needed no steel armour who 
had iron bodies. Only with bows, cruelty, and multitude 
they overran Lithuania, Podolia, Polonia, and those cotm- 
tries which are the east boundaries of Europe. Others took 
their way southward into Asia, committing outn^es as diey 
went ; and, sensible how incomparaUy their own oountrf 
was surpassed for pleasure and profit by these new Imds 
(blame not their juagment if they preferred a palace belbre 
a prison), they little cared to return home. 

Their incursions into Europe were so far and fiivquent, that 
Pope Innocent IV., about the year 1245, began to fear them 
in Italy. Wherefore he sent Askeiia, a friar much admired 
in that age, with three others, ioto Tartary, to convert that 
nation to Christianity. Where Askelin, instead of teadiing 
them the elements of our religion, laid this foundation, to 
amplify to them the power of die pope, setdng him out in 
his full dimensions, how he was above all men in the Chris- 
tian world. A good nurse, to feed infents, instead of milk, 
with such dry bones : enough almost to affi-ight them fiT>m 
entering into our church, seeing such a giant as they painted 
the pope to stand before the door. 

But Baiothnoi, chief captain of die Tartarian amy (for 
th^ were not admitted to speak with the great cham him- 
self, cried quits with this fnar, outvying him with the great- 
ness and divinity of their cham ; and sent back by tibem a 
blunt letter : — 

''Pope, know this: thy messengers came and brought 

' Vide JErasiDk Adag« in Ncctua volat. 

A.D.1332 THE HOLY WAR. 179 

letters to us ; thy messengen spake great words; we know 
not whether thou enjoinedst theoit or whether they spake of 
themselves: and ia thy letters thoa writest thus, Mauy men 
you kill, slay, and destroy.'^ At last he thus concluded : 
'* If thou wilt set upon our land, water, and patrimony, it 
behoveth that thou, pope, in thy proper person come unto 
us; and that thou come to him who containeth the &oe of 
the whole earth ;" meaning their great cham ^. 

Never did his holiness so meet with his match before* 
He durst not meet the great cham of the east, his competitor 
in the imaginary monarchy of the world, to try whose title 
was truest. Let others (ear their skins, he would sleep in 
a whole one. And indeed that shepherd loved his flock of 
Christians better, than by his absence in a long journey 
into Tartary to expose them to the wolves. And so the 
convenion of Tartary at that time was disappointed. 

It is a pretty ^luere, whether Turks or Tartars be easier 
convertible to the Christian religion: I mean ex parte 
ohfecti ; for otherwise all things are equally easy to an infi* 
nite agent Now it seemeth the Tartara are reducible with 
most faciliQr to our religion ; for pure Paganism and native 
infidelity, like white cloth, will take the tincture of Chris* 
tianity ; whereas the Turks are soiled and stained with the 
irreligious religion of Mahometanism, which first with much 
pains must be scoured out of them. And though they may 
seem to be in some forwardness to conversion^ because they 
have a kind of knowledge and reverence of Christ, yet the 
best joint of their belief must be broken before it can be 
well set, and every drop of their present religion pumped 
out before true faith be infused into them. And experience, 
the most competent witness herein, hath proved, that after- 
wards more Tartars, both private men and princes, than 
Turks of either condition, have embraced Christianity. 
Bnough at this time ; we shall have occasion too soon to 
speak more of the Tartars. 

Chap. III. — The Greeks recover their Empire from the 
Latint. The Holy War thereby much endamaged. 

IT vras conceived that it would be much beneficial to the 
pilgrims in their voyages to Palestine, that the Latins 
were lately possessed of the Grecian empire; for what is 
saved is gained : and grant that the Latins in Greece should 

^ Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 2« Sed ez Vincent, lib. 31 » 
cap. 51. . 

180 THE HISTORY OF *.d.1232 

not actually assist in the holy war, yet it was a considerable 
advantage what all justly expected, that pilgrims should 
now have safe and secure passage through Greece, the pit- 
£dl which formerly had devoured so many. 

But these har hopes soon miscarried. For what through 
the celerity of Theodorus Lascaris, and the gravity of John 
Ducas his son-in-law, who reigned as Grecian emperors in 
Nice, the Greeks recovered every foot of ground that the 
Latins had won from them : only the Venetians, being good 
at holdfast, kept their portion when all others had spent 
theirs, and enjoy Candia to this day. This is imputed to 
their discretion in their choice, who, in the sharing of this 
empire amongst the western princes, refused the continent 
countries (though greater in extent and richer in cities), 
and chose rather the islands, which, being as little worlds 
in themselves, were most capable of entire fortifications, 
especially in their way, who were most powerful at sea. 

Sixty years almost did the Latins make a hard shift to 
hold Constantinople, under five succeeding emperors:^ 
1. Baldwin I. earl of Flanders [1203] ; 2. Henry his bro- 
ther [1205] ; 3. Peter, count of Auxerre in France, Henry's 
son-in-law [1216]; 4. Robert [1221]; 5. Baldwin IL and 
last [1238]. An example which the observers of the ominous 
circulation or return of names allege, that as a Baldwin 
was the first, so a Baldwin was the last Latin emperor in 

Of these, the first Baldwin had his hands and feet cut off, 
and died in a ditch ; Peter, invited to a feast, paid the 
shot with his life ; the other three died without any violence, 
but with much misery. And thus their conquest of Greece, 
like a little sprig stuck into the ground, did sprout at the 
first whilst it had any sap in it, but then withered for want 
of a root. 

Indeed it was impossible long to continue ; for when the 
generation of the primitive adventurers in this action were 
dead, there wanted another to succeed them; and the 
countries whence they came were so far off, that supplies of 
Latin people came thither very slowly : only Venice well 
peopled her parts from the vicinity of her dominions. And 
that number of soldiers which is sufficient by sudden con- 
quest to overrun a country, is incompetent, without a second 
edition of new supplies, to make good, manage, and main- 
tain it; especially being to meddle with the Greeks, fiir 
exceeding them in number, subject only out of fear, longing 
"daily for their liberty, and opportunity to recover it. 

A. D. 1237 THE HOLY WAR. 181 

Let never any pilgrims hereafter make Greece their Idii in 
their journey to Palestine. Yea^ also at this time the fur- 
nace of the Grecian jealousy was made seven times hotter; 
for besides this civil, an ecclesiastical and spiritual breach 
happened betwixt them and the Latins, which we come 
now to describe. 

Chap. IV. — tlie incurable Breach betwixt the Eastern and 
Western Churches^ toith the Occasion thereof. 

HITHERTO Grecians and Latins lived together in 
Palestine in some tolerable correspondency ; difier^ 
ing in iudgment, but complying in affections ; as counting 
themselves two several sides, yet both making up the body 
of Christians. But now, by an unhappy discord they were 
irreconcilably parted asunder, to the great advantage of the 
Turks and prejudice of the holy war. We will fetch this 
flame from tne first spark; and, though we go far about, the 
length of the journey will be recompensed by the goodness 
of &e way. 

Anciently in the primitive time the church of Rome was 
esteemed the first and chiefest of all others, but without any 
jurisdiction above them. Because that was the imperial 
city and queen of the world, therefore the church therein 
was highest in account; as the candle which is in the fairest 
candlestick is always set above the rest (though otherwise 
equal unto it in light) at the upper end of the table. ' 

It happened afterward that the emperor removed his seat 
from Rome to Constantinople; whereupon orphan Rome 
suddenly decayed (for the emperor's court carried day with 
it, and left night behind it), was chief mourner at the fiine* 
rads of her own greatness, and from a pleasant garden turned 
a wilderness overgrown with Goths, Vandals, and other 
barbarous weeds; whilst Constantinople, tricked and tired 
herself, started up in an instant great, rich, and stately; 
insomuch that John her patriarch claimed to be universal 
bishop over all other. Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome, 
stoutly withstood him, protesting that he was the usher of 
Antichrist who assumed that swelling title; wherein he 
heated the brand to mark his successor with : for Boni&oe 
(save one, the next), pope of Rome, so dealt with Phocas 
the emperor of Constantinople, that he got himself confirmed 
universal bishop over the whole world. A chaplain and a 
patron well met, both usurpers, supporting one another 
(like stones in* an arch) with their reciprocal aid ; Phocas 
held Boniface in his chair, and Bonifiice kept Phocas in his 

182 THE HISTORY OF a, d, 1237 

throne. And thus was the pope of Rome first possessed of 
his primacy both of dignit^ and authority, both of pre- 
cedency and of power and jurisdiction over all other 
chufches. As for his pretence, to challenge it by com- 
mission from Christ and succession from Peter, this strii^ 
to his bow is so full of galls, frets, and knots, it cannot 
hold, and is broken by many learned divines. 

However, Constantinople rather overborne than overcome, 
for want rather of strength than stomach, ever rebelled, or 
rather resisted (for no rebellion against usurpation) Rome's 
supremacy (especially when she found herself befriended 
with any advantage) for many hundred yeais after. 

It happened (to come to the matter in hand) that a Ore* 
cian archbishop went to Rome, there to have his confirmar- 
tioQ* ; where the court demanded oi him such unreason* 
able fees (toll more than the grist) that the prelate perceived 
H would weaken him to be confirmed, and shake nis estate 
to settle him in his bishopric. Home therefore he cooaeth 
with a loud alarm against the extortions of Rome, and musp* 
tereth together many of his countrymen; who hereupon 
for ever vrithdrew their obedience from Rome, and threw 
off that heavy yoke they could not bear^ hereafknr owning 
her for their sister, not mother* 

It may seem strange that the Roman court, being here 
justly taxed for extortion, v?ould not amend it. But how 
often soever she be told of her dirty foce, she will never 
wash it: for reforming would argue a forra^ foult; and 
they feared, if they yielded themselves guilty in one point, 
it would studce the whole fabric of their credit. Besides, if 
the Grecians had received satisfaction and redress in this 
grievance, it would have given them pretence to prepare 
more requests, and to think that they also were due. Lastly, 
no strength of persuasion will draw men from those sins 
which are glued unto them by their profit. Thus the avarice 
of the Romish officers (as of late the shameful shameless 
covetousness of their indulgencemongera occasioned Luther^s 
falling from them) caused the Grecians wholly to renounce 
their subjection to that see ; and Germanus patriarch of 
Constantinople now grew absolute of himself^ without any 
dependency on the pope. 

His holiness, despairing to reduce them by fair means, 
proclaimed war against them. And as formerly against the 
Albigenses, so now against the Grecians, resdved to send an 

1 Matth. Paris, in aano 1237, p. 622. 

A.D. 1237 THE EQLY WAR. 183 

army of eroised solditn^ : it being his custom to make the 
secular power little betto* thaa a hangman to execute those 
he should please to condemn ; yea, be hath turned the back 
of the sword towards infidels, and the edge against Chris* 
tians dissenting from him in small matters. But few voluft- 
tanes were found for this service, because of a pious horrop 
and religious reluctancy against so^ odious an employment ; 
only in Cyprus^ (I belten^e in. a private persecution rather 
than open war) some Grecians were put to death ; the pope 
vaing the same severity against wolves and wandering 
sheepy foes and prodigal children. 

Chap. V. — Wherein the Greeki distent from the Latiiu, 
What mutt charitabhf he conceived of them, 

BESIDES their is^cting of the pope*s both ccelesias* 
tical and temporal tyranny, the Ureeks differ ficom the 
Latins in other matters of moment r for they maintain the 
procession of the Holy Spirit from the Father alone. As 
lor their other tenets, they stand in some middle terms of 
opiniouL betwixt papists and protestants ;. yet so, that they 
approach nearer the ps^ists in more, to us in more weighty 
and dbminative points. With Rome they concur in tran- 
substantiation, in the whole sacrifice of the mass, in praying 
to saints and fer the dead, in auricular confession, m wor- 
shiping of pictures (only of Christ and our Lady), but all 
imagfts they detest ; a kind of purgatory they hold, but not 
in hell or the skirts thereof, nor by any outward torment'. 
With us they conseirt in the sufficiency of the Scriptures to 
salvation,, iit denying the infaLlibiUty of the church (much 
more of the pope), the overplus of merits^ service un- 
vmderstood, indulgences, liberaties out of purgatory, and the 

. Heisupen the Romanists condemn them all for heretics 
and castaways, killing more than a thinl of all Christians 
(as. Cain did a quarter of mankind with a blow) with this 
their uncharitable censure. But heaven-gate was not so 
easily shut against multitudes when St. Peter himself wore 
the. keys at his girdle* And let us not with rash judging 
thrust all into the pit of hell whom we see walking near the 
brink thereof. We shall think belier of thera if we consider 


First,, their tenets whereia they dissent from the Ro- 

« » 

' Dfatth. ?aris» in aano 1937» p. 69$» ' Idem, p. 614. 
> Sir Edw. Sand, Relig. of the West, p. 233, 334. 

184 THE HISTORY OF A.A.taar 

manists are aoimd enough, 8a¥e that of the Holy Ghost. 
CoDceraing which it is a useful qtuane^ whether, granting 
the first authors and ringleaders of that error in a had cob- 
dition, there be not some fieivour to be allowed to those who 
in simplicity succeed to hereditary errors received from 
their ancestois, if they do not wilfully bar nor bolt their 
eyes against the beams of the truth, but be willing (as we 
charitably conceive of the Greeks) to receive and embrace 
better instruction. 

Secondly, the master of the sentences (waited on herein 
with other learned men*) is of opinion, that in the sense of 
the Greek church d FiUo and per Filiwn is no real di^ 
ference, but a question in modo loquendi. Sure it would 
have grated the foundation, if they had so denied the pro- 
cession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as thereby to make 
an inequality betwixt the two persons; but since their form 
of speech is, that the Holy Ghost proceedeth from the 
Father by the Son, and is the Spirit of the Son, without 
making any difference in the consubstantiality of the per« 
sons, Sieir doctrine may pass with a feivourable inter* 

Thirdly, our quickest sight in the matters of the Trini^ 
is but one degree above blindness. Wherefore, as concerning 
it, let our piety lodge there where in other disputes the' 
deceit of sophisters used to nestle itself, namely, tn uiitver-- 
«a/t6t», in large and general expressions, and not descend 
to curious particulars. To search into the manner of the 
Spirit's procession is neither manners nor religion; and 
rather falleth under an awful adoration and belief than an 
exact and curious inquiry. 

Lastly, this their tenet doth not infect any other point in 
divinity with its poisonous inferences. Some errors are 
worse in their train than in themselves, which (as the dragon 
in the Revelation drew down a third part of the stars with 
his tail), by tlieir bad consequences, pervert other points of 
religion ; but this Grecian opinion (as learned men pro- 
pound it) concerning the Holy Ghost, hath this happiness^ 
that it is barren, and begetteth no other bad tenets from % 
being entire in itself. 

More may be alleged for the lessening of this error; 
but grant it in its full extent, yet surely the moderate judg- 

-n -I III - M -   — -  ^  -  

* Bonavent. 1. Sent. dist. llf art. 1, quaBst. 1. Scotus, l» 
Sent. dist. 1, quest. 1» Th* Aqmn. part 1, quaest. S6, 
art. 2. 


A.i>.123r THE HOLY WAR. 185 

meat of that learned divinely whose memory smelleth like a 
field the Lord hath blessed, will abide trial ; who in effect 
thus coDcludeth, Their schisms are sinful, wicked, and in- 
excusable; their doctrine dangerous, but not so damnable as 
excluding from all possibility of salvation. 

As for the observation of a schoolman^, that afterwards 
the Turks won Constantinople on Whitsunday, the day 
dedicated to the memorial of the Holy Spirit, as if God 
hereip pointed at the sin of the Grecians in dishonouring the 
|loly Ghost ; we leave it to the reader's discretion, desiring 
rather to be sceptical than definitive in the causes of God's 

Chap. VI, — A comparative Estimate of the Extent of the 
Greek and Latin Church. What Hope of Reconcilement 
betwixt them. The Influence thi$ Breach had on the Hofy 

IF that religion were surely the best which is of the greatest 
latitude and extent, surveyors of land were fitter than 
divines to judge of the best religion. Neither is it any 
matter of great moment to measure the greatness of either 
church; but because Rome maketh her universality such a 
masterpiece to boast of, let us see if the Greek church may 
not outshoot.her in her own bow. 

If we begin with the Grecian church in Africa under the 
patriarch of Alexandria, thence proceeding into Asia, and 
fetch a compmss about Syria, Armenia, Asia the Less, with 
Cyrus, Candia, and other islands in the Midland Sea, and 
so come into Greece; if hence we go into Russia and 
Muscovy (who, though differing in ceremonies, dissent not 
in doctrine, as a sundry dialect maketh not a several 
language) to take only entire kingdoms, and omit parcels : 
it is a larger quantity of ground than that the Romish 
religion doth stretch to, since Luther cut so large a coUop 
out of it, and withdrew North Europe from obedience to 
bis holiness. 

Perchance the Romanists may plead they have lately 
improved the patrimony of their religion by new purchases 
in both Indies; but who knoweth not that those people, 
rather watered than baptized^ affirighted with cruelty into 
Christianity, deserve not to be accounted, settled, and welk 
grounded professors of their religion ? 

3 In his third book Of the ChurGh. chap. 5. 
* EstiuB, dist. 11, J «. 

186 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1237 

Afl for reeoncibatioD betwixt the Grecians and Latins, it 
» utterly iroprobabie, except the Greeks submit to the 
pope's primacy, which they will never do. No hope then 
of their meeting together, when neither party will stir step 
towards other. 

True it iS) some forty years since (anno 1594), the bishops 
of Little Russia (a country following the eastern church, 
but under the king of Poland), on condition they would 
accept the pope's supremacy', were dispensed with, and 
permitted in other matters to adhere to tne Greek church, 
and keep union with it; tile pope manifesting- herein, that 
he aimeth not so much at the reduction of the Greeks to the 
truth as to his own obedience. 

Besides the hatred they have against the pope^s pride, 
another great hinderance of the union is the smaul intercourse 
the eastern Christians have or desire to have with the 
western. They live amongst the Turks, and are grown to be 
contented slaves; and, having long sinee parted with their 
hopes, now almost have lost their desire of liberty. 

We must not forget how some My yean ago- soiemn 
news was reported in Rome, that the patriarch of Alexandria, 
with all the Greek church in Africa^ by their ambassadors, 
had submitted and reconciled themselves to the pope, and 
from him received absolution and benediction*. All which 
was a politic lie, perchance therefore reported, that it might 
stake impression in the minds, and raise and confirm the 
spirits of me vulgar, who easily believe alV that their betters 
tell them. And though afterwards this report vras con- 
trolled to be felse, yet men's spirits, then being cold, were 
not so sensible of it as before ; and the former news came to 
many men's ears who never heard afterwards of the check 
and confotation thereof. Nor is there any state in* the 
world that maketh such use and advantage, as the* papal 
doth, of false news* To conclude: a& it is a maxim in 
philosophy, ex ^uihtu conttemm, ex iisdem jmirmuri so 
a great part of their religion consisting of errors and ftilse- 
hoods, it is suitable that accordingly it should be kept up 
and maintained with forgeries and deceits. 

To return to Palestine: this rent (not ki the seam but 
whole cloth) betwixt these churches was no mean hinderance 
to the holy war. Formerly the Greeks in Syria were not se 
clearly cut asunder from the Latins, but that they hung 

' FosMvin in ApparaCu lacro, in Rutheni. See Brierwood's 
Inqoiries, chap. 18. * Sir £dw. Sand. West. Relig. p. 400. 

A. D. 1338 THX HOLT WAR. 18T 

U>gether by one great siiiew in the common caxaty agreeing 
against the Turk the enemy to both ; but since this Hut 
bicachy the Greeks did in their desires piopend and iodine 
lo the Turks, being better eontented tbey should oonquer, 
from whom they ^ouLd have fiaiir quarter, free exercise of 
their religion, a»d secure dw^ing in any city, paying a 
set tribute ; than the Latins^ who they feared woald Ibrce 
their conscienGes, and bring their sonla in subjection to the 
pope's sapremacy. Expect we then never hereafter, that 
either their hearts or hands should afford any assistance to 
our pilgrims in their designs. 

Some conceive 3, that at this dav if the western Christians 
should stoutly invaude Turkey with any likelihood to prevail, 
the Greeks therein would run to aid them. But owere are 
of a contrary judgment ; considering, first, the inveterate 
9Uid inlaid hatred (not to be washed off) they bear the 
latins; secondly, die jealousy they have that they will 
never keep proaaise with them, whn have always a warfant 
dormant bom the pope to break all contracts prejudicial to 
the Boraiah church ; thirdly, that custom and long oonti* 
nuance ift slftvery have so hardened and brawned their 
shoulders, the yoke doth not wring them so much ; yea, 
they had rather suffer the Turks, being old fiill ftiesy to sack 
them, than lo hazard their galled backs to new hungry 
ones ; finding by experience^ that they themselves live on 
better terms of servitude under the Turk, less grated and 
grinded with exactions than some of their coontrymen do 
under the Latins; for instance, in Zante and Candia under 
the VenetiaBs. 

Chap.^VII. — Theobald King of Navarre maketh an untuC" 
cessful Voyage into Palestine. 

THE ten years' trace by this time [1238] was expired, 
which Frederick made with the Turks ; and Beinold 
viceroy of Psdestine, by instructions from hinv concluded 
another truce of the same term with them '. He saw that 
this young Christian kingdom of Jerusalem, like an infitnt, 
would thrive beat with sleeping with peace and quietness. 
Nor was id any policy for him to move at all,^ where there 
was more danger to hart than hope to help their present 

*■ 8ir £dw. Sand. West. lUlig. p. 249. 
1 Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16.-*>DecennalM indociasnuper 
^enod confirm£rat« 

188 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1239 

But though tbig peace was houourable and profitable^ 
having no faaiXi but that Frederick made it; yet the xemplarsy 
who did not relish the £itber, must needs distaste the child. 
They complained that this peace was not used as a slumber 
to rdresh the soldiers' spirits, but as a lethargy to benumb 
their valour; and chiefly snarled at this indignity, that the 
Turks had access to the Temple of the Sepulchre, and that 
goats had free commonage in the sheep's pasture. Where* 
tore Pope Gregory, to despite the Emperor FrederidE, caused 
the Dominicans and Franciscans, bis trumpeters, to incite 
people to the holy war*. These were two twin orders, but 
the Dominican the eldest, which now were no sooner 
hatched in the world, but presendy chirped in the pulpits. 
In that age sermons were news, and meat for princes, not 
common men; yea, the Albigenses with their preaching had 
drowned the voices of secular priests, if these two orders had 
not helped to out-noise those supposed heretics. These 
amplified with their rhetoric the calamity of the Christians, 
tyranny of the Turks, merit of the cause, probability of 
success ; performing their parts with such gravity, show of 
devotion, accents of passion, not glued on for the present 
purpose but so natural as from true aflection, thatmany were 
wooed to undertake the voyage [1239}; principally, Theo- 
bald king of Navarre, Almerick earl of Montfort, Henry of 
Champagne, Peter earl of Bretagne, with many others of 
inferior rank. 

Ships they had none ; wherefore they were fain to shape 
their passage by land through Greece ; where they were 
entertained with treachery, &mine, and all the miseries 
which wait on distressed armies. These came last that way, 
and (I may say) shut the door ; for no Christian army ever 
dihev went that tedious journey by land. 
, Having passed the Bosporus, they marched into Bithy- 
nia ; thence through Gralatia they came unto the mountain 
Taurus, where they were much damnified by the Turks, who 
fell on and off upon them, as they were advised by their 
own advantages. The Christians desired no other gift but 
that a set battle might be given them, which the Turks 
would not grant, but played at distance and would never 
close. But with much ado the Christians recovered to 
Antioch, having scarce a third part of them left; their horses 
all dead, and themselves scarce mounted on their legs, 
miserably weak; as what the m^rcy of sword, plague, and 
famine, had pleased to space. 

 ' I I ■»  I II II 1. 1 1  1^ ^ 

* Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16. 

A, D. 1239 THE HOLT WAR. 18d 

Hence the Templars conducted them to Gaza, where 
they fell on foraging the country of the sultan, assaulting no 
places which were of strength, or honour to subdue, but 
only spoiled poor villages, which counted themselves walled 
with the truce as yet in force. Abundance of wealth they 
g^ot, and were now late returning home, when after their 
plentiful supper a dear and sharp reckoning was called for. 
Behold, the Turks in great numbers fell upon them near 
nnto Gaza, and the Christians down with their bundles of 
spoils and out with their swords, bravely defending them- 
selves till such time as the night parted the fray. Here they 
committed a great error, and (as one may say) a neglect in 
over-diligence ; for, instead of reposing themselves to rest^ 
and appointing a set watch, they all lay in a msnner perdues^ 
no one slumbering all night, but attending their enemies ; 
contrary to the rules of an army, which with Argus should 
never have all its eyes wake or sleep together. Next 
morning when the Ttirks, whose numbers were much in- 
creased, set upon them, alas ! they being but few to many, 
fiiint to fresh, were not able to make any forcible resistance ; 
yet, what they could not pay in present, they pawned their 
lives for; that their arms being too weak for their hearts, 
they were rather killed than conquered. Earl Henry was 
slaiuy Almerick taken prisoner, the king of Navarre escaped 
by the swiftness of his Spanish gennet ; which race, for theit 
winged speed, the poets feigned to be begot of the wind. 

Meantime the other Christians looked on, and saw their 
brethren slaughtered before their eye»; and yet though they 
were able to help them, were not able to help them, their 
hands being tied with the truce, and Reinold charging them 
no way to infringe the peace concluded with the sultan. 
Hereupon many cursed nim as the Christians* cut-throat; 
he as hat condemned the king of Navarre and his army for 
breaking the truce. And though the papal faction pleaded 
that the former peace concluded not these late adventurers^ 
and that it v^as only made with Frederick the emperor, yet 
he riepresenting the whole body of Christianity, all the 
bundle of their shifts could not piece out a satisfactory 
answer, but that they were guilty of feith-breaking. 

Home hastened the king of Navarre with a small retinue, 
clouding himself in privateness; as that actor who cometh 
off with the dislike of the spectators stealeth as invisibly as 
he may into the tiring-house. Expectation, that friendly 
foe, did him much wrong; and his performance fell the 
lower, because men heightened their looking for great 
matters from him. 

190 TEE HIS TORT OF a. d. 124a 

Chap. Vltl. — JUchard Earl of Cornwall saUeth to the 
Holy Land. Hi$ Petformance therCf and the Censure 

FIFTEEN days after the departure of Theobald > 
[October 11th, 1240], Richard earl of Cornwall, 
brother to Henry III. then king of England, landed 
at Ptolemais. This prince was our English Crassus or 
Croesus ; Cornwall was his Indies, where he turned tin into 
gold and silver. So well monied he was, that for ten years 
together he might for every day expend a hundred marks \ 
So that England never since had together a poorer king and 
a richer subject. 

Before he began his voyage, he craved a subsidy of 
prayers from the monks of St. Albans; yea, scarce was there 
any convent appearing for piety, to whose devotions he 
recommended not himself, counting that ship to sail the 
surest which is driven with the breath of goodly men's 
pmyeis. Theodoricus lord prior of the English Hospital lers^ 
with many other barons and brave soldiers attending him, 
passed through France^ and was there honourably enter- 
tained by King Louis. 

Being come to the Mediterranean Sea, the pope's legate 
brought him a flat countermand, that he must go no further, 
but instantly return. Bichard at first was astonished 
hereat^ but quickly his anger got the mastery of his amaze- 
ment, and hie fell on fuming. Was this Christ^s vicar? 
Unlike wa& he to him, who was thus unlike to himself who 
would say and unsay,, solemnly summon, thea suddenly 
cashier his holy soldiers. This was deluding of people's 
devotions with fiilse alarms, to make them put their armour 
on to put it off again. As for his own self^ he had vowed 
this voyage, his honour and treasure was engaged therein, 
and the pope should not blast his setded resolutions with a 
breath: his ships were manned, victualled, and sailing 
forward ; and in such great actions the setting forth is more 
than half the journey 3. 

All know his holiness to be too wary an archer to shoot 
away his arrows at nothing. He had a mark herein, a plot 
in this restraint, but that too deep for others to &thom. It 
could not be this, to make this rich earl (a ^h worth 
angling for) to commute his voyage into money, and to buy 

 « »l !■! I   I I I I  II I   III .■■ *  

1 Matth. Paris, p. 670. ' Camden, in Cornwall. 

» Matth. Paris, in Hen. III. p. 719. 

A. i>. 1240 THE HOLT WAR. 191 

a dmpensattoB of his faolineas to stay at boiaey aa formerly he 
had aerved many meaner pilgrims. Surely, though the 
pope's covetousnesB might have prompted, bis wisdom 
would have dissuaded him from a project spun with so 
coarse a thread. 

On saileih Earl &i<^nl, and safely arriveth at Ptolemais ; 
where he is well welcomed, especially by tbeclergy, solemnly 
singing, Blested » be that cometk in the name of' the Lord\ 
He proclaimed, no Christian should depart for want of 
pay ; for he would entertain any, and give them good wages 
that would do work in this war. But he found the Christians 
there shivered mto several Jettons, and the two great orders. 
Hospitallers and Templars, two great confusions of the 
holy cause. Of these the Hospitallers were the seniors in 
standing, their original being dated eighteen years before 
the Temptars, and therefore challenged superiority. But 
that whicn made the younger brother so brisk was, that he 
was his father's darting. The Templars in all their broils 
had support from the pope, because the others were sus* 
pected to have a smack <^the imperial faction. This made 
them active, daring, offering of affironts ; and what country- 
men soever the Templars were, they were always Italians, 
that is, true to the triple crown. These, being madded with 
ambition, were ^ more outrageous for their high fiire (their 
great revenues), and deserved to be dieted with a poorer 
pittance, except they would have used their strength better. 
Our e»rl knew, to please one side would certainly displease 
ibe other, and to please both would probably please 

Wherefore he managed his matters entirely to himself, 
without relating to either of the parties, taking no ground of 
their giving, but bowling at the public good by the aim of 
his own eye. 

The sultans in Syria (for the Turkish power there was 
divided into several »iltanies, as those of Damascus, Cracci^, 
Seisser, but Babylon the chiefest), hearing of Richard's 
pi«pBrattODS, proffered peace unto him. But whilst as yet 
the conditions were in suspense, Richard fortified Askelon 
:(cn all the bunch there was not a better key, or harbour of 
more importance), not only to strength but state, with marble 
.pillars and statues ; though the silent ruins thereof at this 
day confess not to the beholders that any such cost was ever 
bestowed there. He also caused the corpses of the Christians 

« Matth. Paris, in Heo. lU. p. 729. 

' Called anciently Arabia Pecraea, Tyrias, lib. 21 , cap. 5. 

i92 TBE HISTORY OF a. d. 1241 

killed at the late battle of Gaza, and hitherto unburied^ 
decently to be interred ; and appointed an annual salary to a 
priest to pray for their souls. Hereby he had the happiness 
with little cost to pardiase much credit; and the limg 
being much taken with kindness to the dead, this burying of 
those Christians with pious persons won him as much 
repute as if he killed so many Turks. 

At last the truce for ten years was concluded with the 
sultan [1241]; all Christian captives were discharged and 
set free, many sorts of them restored, and matters for the 
main reduced to the same estate they were at the first peace 
with Frederick the emperor; and Richard returning through 
Sicily and by Rome, where he visited his holiness, safely 
came home to England, where he was welcomed with bad 
news, that a discontented Cornish man, banished for his 
misdemeanours, had found out tin mines in Bohemia^; 
which afterwards more assuaged the swelling of this earl's 
bags than all his voyage to Palestine ; for till that time that 
metal was only fetched from England, which afibrded meat 
to some foreign countries, and dishes to all. 

His voyage was variously censured ; the Templars which 
consented not to the peace, flouted thereat, as if all this 
while he had laboured about a difficult nothing, and as 
good never a whit as never the better, for the agreement 
would never hold long. Others thought he had abundantlv 
satisfied any rational expectation ; for he compelled, saith 
one, the Saracens to truce ^ (a strange compulsion without 
violence^ exceptthe showing of a scabbard),he restored many 
to the life of their life, their liberty ; which alone was 
worth all his pkins^ the peace he cOUcluded was honourable ; 
and a cheap olive-branch is b^ter than dear bays. 

Two of our English Richards \?ere at Palestine ; one 
famous for drawing his sword^ the other his purse. He was 
also 'iremk^kable herein, that he brought all his men and 
ships safe home (next of kin to a miracle), and none will 
deny but that in such dangerous adventures a saver is H 
gainer. One gOod he got hereby : this journey brought him 
into play amongst foreigt princes; henceforwsutl the beyond^ 
sea world took notice of hitn, and he of it Never ^ould he 
have had the fece to Wve courted the crown imperial, if these 
his thivels had 'ttdi put boldness and audacity into him^ 
which made hifU afterwards a stiff rival to bid for the 
empire of Germany. 

^ Matth. Paris, p. t6d. 7 CibicheD, in tlomWalK 

A.D. 1244 THE HOLY WAR, t93 

. Chaf, IX. — The Corasinei cruelly tack the City ofjert^ 
salem, and kill the Chriitians therein, 

ABOUT this time (though we find not the punctual date 
thereof), happened the death of Reinold, Frederick's 
lieutenant in Syria, who by his moderiition had been a good 
bene&ctor to the holy war. But the Templars counted him 
to want metal, because he would not' be mad, and cause- 
lessly break the truce with the sultan. In his grave was 
buried the happiness of the Christians in Palestine : for now 
the lawless Templars observe no other rule but their own 

And now the inundation of the Tartarians, in spite of all 
dams and banks, overran the north of Asia, and many. 
Bations fled from their own countries for fear of them. 
Amongst other the Corasines (called by some Choermines, 
and Groissoms), a fierce and warlike people, were notwith- 
standing by the Tartarians forced to forsake their land. 

Being thus unkennelled, they had their recourse to the 
sultan of Babylon, and petitioned him to bestow some 
habitation upon them. Their suit he could neither safely 
grant nor deny; a denial would egg their discontents into 
desperateness, and such sturdy dangerous vagabonds might 
do much harm ; to admit them to be joint tenants in the 
same country with the Turks, was a present inconvenience, 
and would be a future mischief. Instead therefore of 
giving them a house, he sent them to a workhouse ; yet so, 
that 9iey apprehended it a great courtesy done unto them : 
for he bestowed on them all the lands which the Christians 
held in Palestine ; liberal to give away what was none of 
his, and what the others must purchase before they could 
enjoy. The sultan encouraged them to invade that country ; 
whose people he pretended were weak and few, the land 
wealthy and fruitful, so that the conquest would be easy, 
especially they having his assistance in the present service, 
and perpetual patronage hereafter. 

Animated herewith, in come the Corasines with their 
wives and children (bringing their households with them to 
wia houses and lands for them,) into Syria, and march, 
directly to Jerusalem ; which being a weak and unfortified 
place, was taken without resistance [l244j. Weak and 
unfortified ! strange ! It is confessed on all sides, that Fred<« 
erick the emperor, and Reinold his lieutenant, spared no 

1 Matth. Paris, p. 851. 

194 THE HISTORY OT a, d, 1244 

expense in strengthening this city; since which time we 
find no solemn taking it by the Turks ; who then can ex- 
pect less than an impregnable place, where so much cost 
was sown? Which driveth us to conceive one of these three 
things ; either that the weakness of this city was chiefly in 
the defenders* hearts ; or else that formerly there happened 
some blind and silent despoiling of this place, not mentioned 
by authors ; or lastly, that Jerusalem was a Jericho, I mean, 
a place cursed in building, like Pharaoh's lean kine, never 
a whit the fatter for devouring much meat ; and which still 
went in rags, though her friends bestQwed change of raiment 
upon her. 

Thus this city, after that it had been possessed fifteen 
years by the Christians, was won by this barbarous people^ 
never since regained to our religion. Sleep, Jerusalem, sleep 
in thy ruins, at this day of little beauty and less strength, 
iamous only for what thou hast been. 

The Christians, flying out of Jerusalem with their families, 
took their course towarids Joppa ; but looking back, beheld 
their own ensigns advanced on the city walls, so done in 
policy by their enemies. Whereupon their credulity thus 
commented, that their fellows had beaten the Corasines in 
Jerusalem, and by these banners invited them to return ^ ; 
but going back, they found but cold (or rather too hot) en? 
tertainment, being slain every mother's child of them. Dull 
nostrils ! not to scent so stale and rank a stratagem of their 
foes, so often used, so easily defeated ; not to send some 
spies to taste the bait before all swallowed it. But men 
marked out for destruction will run their own heads into 
the halter. 

Chap. X. — Bohert Patriarch afJermalem, toith the vhoU 
Strength of the Christians^ conquered Inf the Corasines^ 

THE desperateness of the disease privilegeth the taking 
of any physic. The Christians being now in deep 
distress, resolved on a dangerous course, but (as their cas6 
stood) thought necessary: for they made peace with the 
sultan of Damascus and Seisser, and with the sultan of 
Cracci ; (these were dynasties in Syria of some good strength, 
and were at discord with the sultan of ^bylon,) and 
swearing them to be &ithful, borrowed an army of their 
forces, with them jointly to resist the Corasines ; seeking, 

. Mattfa. Paris, p. 855. 

A.i>. 1244 THE HOLT WAR. 195 

salth Frederick the emperor', to ^djidem inperfidiay trust 
in treachery. Many suspected these auxiliarv forces; 
thinking, though the forest wolves fell out with the moun- 
tain ones, they would both agree against the sheep. 

Robert patriarch of Jerusalem was a most active com- 
mander over all. St. Luke's day was the time agreed upon 
for the fatal battle; near Tiberias was the place. As 
the Christians were ordering themselves in array, it was 
questioned in what part of their army their new Turkish 
assistants should be disposed, and concluded that they 
should be placed in the front, where, if they did no other 
good, they would dull the appetite of their enemy*s sword. 
This is thought to have been a notorious error, and cause 
of their overthrow. For though those soldiers who mean to 
be false will never be made faithful in what place soever they 
be bestowed, yet may they be made less dangerous if cast 
into the body or main battle of the army, whence they have no 
such scope to fling out, and to take advantage of place to do 
mischief, as they have either in the front or wings thereof. 
Thus in Caesar's time Crassus an experienced general under 
him being to bid the Gauls battle, awciliares copias, quibta 
adpugnam non mtdtiJlm confidebaty in mediam aciem collocaoit ^ ; 
that so being hemmed in before and behind, they might be 
engaged to fight manfully without starting a^-ay. And to 
instance in later times; our Richard III. (who though he 
usurped the crown, had, as none will deny, a true title both 
to prowess and martial policy) marching toBosworth, placed 
suspected persons (whose bodies were with him and hearts 
with Earl Henry) in the midst ; and those whom he most 
trusted, before, behind, and on every side'. 

The battle being joined, the Turks ran over to the other 
side^, though some braved them only with cowardliness, not 
treachery, and that they fled from the battle, but not fell to 
the enemies. The Christians manfully stood to it, and 
though overpowered in number, made a great slaughter of 
their enemies, till at last they were quite overthrown. Of the 
Teutonic order escaped but three ; of three hundred Tem- 
plars, but eighteen ; of two hundred Hospitallers, but nine- 
teen : the patriarch, (to use his own woids) whom God re* 
puted unworthy of martyrdom, saved himself by flight, with 
a few others. And this great overthrow, to omit less partner 

^ In his letter to Richard of Cornwall. 

< Css. lib. 3. De Hello Gallico. 

3 Graft, in Rich. HI. p. im. * Matth. Paris, p. 834. 

t96 THE HISTOUT OF a. d. 1246 

causes, is chiefly imputed to the Templars fonner so often 
l>reakiti^ the trace with the sultan of Babylon. 
- Thus were the Christians conquered by the Corasines, 
and beaten by a beaten nation; Palestine being won by 
those who could not keep their own country. Improving 
this victory they left nothing to the Christians but Tyre, 
Ptolemais, and Antioch, with some few forts. Soon after, 
these Corasines elevated herewith fell out with the sultan 
himself; who iu anger rooted out their nation, so that none 
of their name remained ' : yea, all writers are silent of them 
both before this time and ever after ^ : as if God at this very 
instant had created this people to punish Christians ; which 
service performed, they were anninilated again. 

Chap. XI. — Louis the Ninth setteth forward against the 
Turks, The Occasion of his Jouma/, and his Attendants, 

SOME two years after, Louis the ninth of that name, king 
of France, came to assist the Christians* The occasion 
of his voyage this : he had been visited with a desperate 
sickness, insomuch that all art cried craven, as unable to 
help him ; and the physicians resigned him to divines, to 
begin with him where they ended; they also gave him 
over; and for a while he lay in a trance, not the least 
breath brought news of any life left in him [1245]. Then 
Blanche the queen mother (and queen of mothers for her 
care of her son and his kingdom) applied a piece of the 
cross unto him '. Thereat (whether thereby, let others dis* 
pute) he revived and recovered ; and thereupon was croised, 
and in thankftilness bound himself with a vow to sail to the 
Holy Land. But his nobility dissuaded him from that 
design ; tlie dangers were certain, the success would be 
doubtful of so long a journey ; his own kingdom would be 
left desolate, and many mischiefs, unseen as yet, would 
appear in his absence; besides, his vow was. made in his 
sickness, whilst reason was scarce, as yet in the peaceable 
possession of his mind, because of the remnant dregs of his 
disease ; it mi^ht also be dispensed with by the pope ; yea, 
his deserts did challenge so much from bis holiness • King 
Louis, as persuaded hereat, laid down the cross, to. the 
great comfort and contentment of all the beholders ; but 

<  I  I   I ■>  W^«    >     P»< P^ ^i  II  III  ^. ■■! 1^  Ig ■^^■^W— ^■^»^^^^^ii»^— , 

* Matth. Paris* p. 475. 

* Except any make tliem to be Cborasmii a people placed- by 
Athensus in the east of PartJiia. 

y Matth, Paris, p. 880. Et P. .^il. in J). Ludov. p. 214. 

A. D. 1246 ITHE HOLY WAR. 197 

then altering his countenance, he required the cr6ss should 
be restored to him again, and vowed to eat no bread until 
be was recognised with the pilgrim^s badge\ And because 
bis Yow should suffer no diminution or abatement from his 
disease, now no longer Louis the sick, but Louis the sound 
undertook the holy wan His nobles seeing him too stiff to 
be unbent, and counting it a kind of sacrilegious counsel to 
dissuade him from so pious a work, left him to his own 
resolujtions. There went along with him his two brothers, 
Charles earl of Anjou, Robert earl of Artois, his own queen, 
and their ladies, Odo the pope's legate, Hugh duke of 
Burgundy, William earl of Flanders, Hugh earl of St. Paul, 
and William Longspath earl of Salisbury, with a band of 
valiant Englishmen, who went without license from Henry 
king of England ; for in those days this doctrine went 
current, that their princes' leave was rather of compliment 
thaii essential to their voyage, as if the band of this holy 
war was an acquittance from all others* Our Henry,, dis^ 
pleased at this earl's departure, for his disobedience de* 
prived him of his^ earldom and castle of Salisbury, not 
suffering that sheep to graze in his pasture which would not 
own him for a shepherd. * William also son to this earl^ 
•smarting for his father's &ult, never enjoyed that honour^* 
And though King Henry himself, being a prince of more 
de^^on than policy, did most affectionately tender this 
holy cause, yet he used this necessary severity towards this 
earl at this time ; first, because it would weaken his land 
thud to be dispeopled of martial men ; secondly, his sub* 
jects' forwardness might be interpreted a secret check of his 
own backwardness in that war ; thirdly, the sucking in of 
foreign air did wean people from their natural prince, and 
did insensibly usher into their hearts an alienation from theit 
own sovereign, and a dependence on the king of France ^ 
lastly, he had some thoughts on that voyage himself, and 
reserved such prime peers to attend on his own -person 

1246.] The pope gave to this King Louis his charges^ 
th6 tenth of the clergy's revenues through France for three 
years; and the king employed the pope's collectors to 
gather it^ knowing those leeches were the best suckers. 
Hereupon the states of the clergy were shaved as bare as 
their crowns, and a poor priest who had but twenty shillings 
annual pension, was forced to pay two yearly to the king ; 
— .  .  >   .1 , . , ., I 

» Fox, Martyrolog. p. 293# . • Camden in Wiltsljire* 

198 THE HISTORY OT a.d. 1248 

and this by my author^ is made the cause of his following 
ill success, there being much extortion used by his under 
officers. No wonder then if the wings of that army did 
quickly flag, having so heavy a weight of curses hanging 
upon them. And though money be the sinews of war, yet 
ill-gotten money, like gouty sinews, rather paineth than 
strengtheneth. True it is, that this pious king was no way 
guilty thereof, but such as were under him, and oftentimes 
the head doth ache for the ill vapours of the stomach. He 
himself most princely caused to be proclaimed through his 
realm, If any merchant or other had been at any time 
injured - by the king's exactors, either by oppression or 
boiTowing of money, let him bring forth his bill, showing 
how, and wherein, and he should be recompensed'. How 
this was performed we find not; but it was a good lenitive 
plaster to assuage the people's pain for the present. 

Having at Lyons took his leave of the pope, and a bless- 
ing from him, he marched towards Avignon ; where some 
of the city wronged his soldiers, especially with foul language 
Wherefore his nobles desired him that 19b would besiege the 
city, the rather because it was suspected that therein his 
father was poisoned. To whom Louis most Christianly, I 
come not out of France to revenge my own quarrels, or 
those of my father or mother, but injuries offered to Jesus 
Christ^. Hence he went without delay to his navy, and 
committed himself to the sea [Aug. 25, 1248 J. 

Chap. XII. — Louis arriveth in Vyprtu; the Conversion of 
the Tariarians hindered ; the Treachery of the Templars. 

SAILING forward with a prosperous wind, he safely 
arrived in Cyprus [Sept. 20 J ; where Alexius Lusignan 
king of the island entertained him according to the stateliest 
hospitality. Here the pestilence (one of the ready attend- 
ants on great armies) began to n^ ; and though a French 
writer ' saith it was tmnax magks qmm Junesta, yet we find 
in others, that two hundred and forty gentlemen of note 
died by force of the infection. 

Hither came the ambassadors from a great Tartarian 
prince (but surely not from Cham himself), invited by the 
fame of King Louis's piety, professing to him, that he had 
renounced his Paganism, and embraced Christianity ; and 

* Matth. Paris, in anno 1246, p. 945. 

* Fox, Martyrolog. p. 292. • Matth. Paris, p. 995. 
> P. ^mil. in Ludov. IX. p. 215. 

A. D. 1249 THE. HOLY WAR. 199 

that be intended to send messengers to Pope Innocent to 
be further instructed in bis religion. But some Christians 
which were in Tartary dissuaded him from so doing, lest 
the Tartarians, coming to Rome, should behold the disso* 
luteness of men's lives there, and so refuse to suck the milk 
of sweet doctrine from so sour and bitter nipples, besmeared 
about with bad and scandalous conversation. Yea, never 
could the Christian religion be showed to Pagans at any 
time on more disadvantages^; Grecians and Latins were 
at deadly feud ; amongst tiie Latins, Guelfies and Gibellines 
sought to ruin each other; humility was every where 
preached, and pride practised; they persuaded others 
to labour for heaven, and fell out about earth themselves ; 
their lives were contrary to their doctrines, and their doc- 
trines one to another. 

1249.] But as for these ambassadors, King Louis re- 
ceived them very courteously, dismissing them with bounte- 
ous gifts. And by them be sent to their master a tent, 
w:berein the history of the Bible was as richly as curiously 
depicted in needle work ; hoping thus to catch his soul in 
his eyes, and both in that glorious present : pictures being 
then accounted laymen's books, though since of many 
oondemned as frill of erratas, and never set forth by au- 
thority frx)m the king of heaven to be means or workers of 

Whilst Louis stayed in Cyprus, the Templars in the 
Holy Land began to have bis greatness in suspicion. This 
order (as both the other, of Hospitallers and Teutonics) 
though mown down to the bare roots at the last unfortunate 
battle, yet now in three years space sprung up as populous 
as ever before; their other brethren, which lived in their 
several convents and commanderies over all Europe, having 
now refurnished the houses in Palestine. 

Now these Templars were loath King Louis should come 
to Ptolemais, though they counterfeited he should be very 
welcome there. They formerly there had commanded in 
chief without control, and were unwilling, having long sat 
in the saddle, now to dismount and hold the stirrup to 
another. Besides, they would not have sb neat and cleanly 
a guest see their sluttish houses, fearing Louis's piety would 
shame their dissoluteness (being one so godly in his conver- 
sation, that by the preaching in his life he had converted 
many Saracens '), yea, percfaAnce he being a strict discipli- 

3 P. J£miL ut priii8« > P. iEmil. p. 216. 

200 THE HISTORY OF ArD. 1249 

narian would ponisfa their vicious maooerd* Wbeiefore 
they wrote to him out of Syria, to accept of a peace which 
)l)e sultan of Egypt now offered, and to proceed no further 
in war against him. 

The French king, whose heart was ever 0()en to any &At 
tigreement, and shut against any dishonourable suspicions, 
had entertained the motion, had not the king of Cyprus, 
being more studied in the Templars* treacheries, better 
instructed him ; for he told him this was but a trick of their 
great roaster, who underhand had sent to the sultan^ and 
procured him to proffer this peace only for their own private 
ends, for to divert the king from coming amongst them^i 
Louis, though the mildest and most patient of princes, yet 
not a drone which wanted the sting of anger, commanded 
the master of the Templars upon the price of his head 
thenceforward to receive no embassage, nor keep any intelli- 
gence with their enemy, and resolved with himself to invade 

Chap. XIII. — The wise Preparations of the Egyptians, 
The Valour of the French at their Landing. Damietta 

BUT he stood so long in aiming, that the bird saw him^ 
and had leisure to fly away, and Meladin the Egyptian 
king to provide himself to make resistance. Last time 
(some thirty years before) when the Christians under John 
Bren invaded Egypt, they were not impeached in their 
arrival, but suffereid to land without any opposition. But 
Meladin now was sensible of the discommodity in permit- 
ting his foes safely to come on shore ; for first, they wasted 
and spoiled the country and the provision about them; 
secondly, opportunity was given to mal-contents and ill- 
disposed persons to fly to the enemy; lastly, he found it 
most policy to keep the enemy off at arm's end, and to close 
at the last, and not to adventure his kingdom on the single 
die of a battle, but rather set it on a chance, that so he 
might have the more play for it. Wherefore he resolved to 
strengthen his maritime places, and not suffer them to land* 
though also hereifi he met with many difficulties. For as 
nothing was more certain than that Louis would set on 
Egypt, so nothing more uncertain; and because it was 
tmknown at what time or place he would come, all times 
and places were provided for. This exhausted a mass of 

^ KAoUes, Turk. Hist. p. 102. , 

A.t>. 1249 THE HOLY WAA. 201 

treasure to keep id pay so many soldiera for many months 
together. But it is no time to dispute about unnecessary 
thrifty i;?hen a whole kingdom is brought into question to be 

And because the landing places in Egypt are of great 
disadvantage to the defendants, yielding them no shelter 
from the fury of their enemies' artillery, being, all open 
places and plain (the shores there being not shod against the 
sea with huge high rocks, as they are in some other coun- 
triesy because the land is low and level), Meladin was 
forced to fortify well nigh a hundred and eighty miles along 
the seaside ; and what nature had left bare, art put the more 
clothes on ; and by using of great industry (such as by Tully 
is fitly termed horribiUg imkatria), in short space all that 
part of Egypt was fenced which respecteth the sea* 

Winter being past, Robert duke of Burgundy and A1-* 
phonsO) King Louis's brother, arrived in Cyprus with a new 
army; and hereupon they concluded to set forward for 
Egypt, and attempted to land near Damietta [June 4], 
But the governor thereof, with a band of valiant soldiers, 
stoutly resisted them. Here was a doubtful fight; the 
Egyptians standing on the firm ground, were thereby enabled 
to improve and enforce their darts to the utmost', whilst 
the French in their ticklish boats durst not make the best of 
their own strength* Besides, those on land threw their 
Weapons downwards from the forts they had erected, so that 
the declivity and downfal did naturally second the violent 
impression of their darts. However, the infidels at last 
were here beaten with what commonly was their own 
weapon, I mean, multitude; so that they fied into the 
town, leaving behind them their governor and five hundred 
of their best soldiers dead on the shore [June 5]* 

Damietta was a strong city, the taking whereof was 
accounted the good task of an army for a year. But now 
the Egyptians within were presented afresh with the memory 
of the miseries they endured in the last long siege by the 
Christians ; and fearing lest that tragedy should be acted 
over again, set fire on their houses, and in the night saved 
themselves by flight. The French, issuing in, quenched 
the fire, and rescued much corn and other rich spoil from 
the teeth of the flame [June 9]. 

Meladin, much troubled with this loss, to purchase peacd 
offered the Christians all Jerusalem, in as ample a manner 


> p. iEmil. p. 216. 

202 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1249 

as ever formerly they had enjoyed it'; all prisODer^ to be 
restored, with a great sum of money to defray their charges, 
and many other eood conditions : so that we may muclr 
wooder at his proniseness in these proffers, and more at the 
Christians' indiscretion in their refusal. For though some 
advised to make much of so frank a chapman, and not 
through covetousness to outstand their market ^ ; yet the 
pope's legate and Robert earl of Artois, heightened with 
pride that they could not see their profit, and measuring 
their future victories by the largeness of their first footing in 
Egypt, would make no bargain except Alexandria, the best 
port in Egypt, were also cast in for vantage, to make the 
conditions downweight ; and King Louis, whose nature was 
only bad because it was so good, would in no wise cross his 
brother in what he desired. Whereupon the Turks, seeing 
themselves in so desperate condition, their swords being 
sharpened on extremity, provided to defend their country to 
the utmost. 

Chap. XIV. — Discords betwixt the French and English, 
The Death and Disposition of Meladin King of E^ipt, 

ABOUT this time brake out the dissensions betwixt the 
French and English. The cause whereof (as some 
say) was, for that the earl of Salisbury in sacking a fort got 
more spoil than the French. But surely the foundation of 
their discontents lay much lower, being an old enmity 
betwixt the two nations ; and Robert earl of Artois used 
Earl William and his men with much discourtesy. 

This Robert stood much on the royalty of his descent, 
being brother to King Louis, though nothing of kin in 
conditions, being as bountifol to deal injuries and affronts 
as the other alms and charitable deeds. The English earl, 
though he stood on the lower ground in point of birth, yet 
conceived himself to even him in valour and martial know- 
ledge. And though godly King Louis used all his holy 
water to quench these heart-burnings, his success answered 
not his pains, much less his desires ; only his cooling per<« 
Suasions laid their enmities for the present fairly asleep. 

Amidst these broils died Meladin the Egyptian king. A 
worthy prince he was ; though some write very coarsely of 
him ; as he must rise early, yea, not at all go to bed, who 
will have every one's good word. Let Christians speak of 
him as they found; whose courtesies to them when they 

' Matth. Paris, p. 1047« ' KnoUes, Turk. Hist, 

A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 203 

were half drowned io Egypt, if they will not confessy they 
deserve to be wholly drowned for their ingratitude. In the 
latter end of his age he quite lost the good will of his subjects^ 
and lived unloved, and died unlamented, though a deserving 
and fortunate man, which oftentimes covereth a multitude 
of faults. The chief reason whereof was, {>ecause they 
suspected him to be unsound in his religion, and offering to 
Christianity ; besides, having reigned above thirty years, his 
government became stale; and good things, if of long con* 
tinuance, grow tedious, they being rather affected for their 
varjiety dian true worth: lastly, the rising sun stole the 
adorers from the sun setting ; and Melechsab^ his son, being 
an active and promising prince, reigned before in men's 
desires over the -kingdom. To him now they all applied 
themselves; and having more wisdom in their generation 
than the Christians, instantly ceased their private dissen- 
sions. And now the sultans of Damascus, Aleppo, and 
Babylon twisted themselves in a joint agreement with 
Melechsala to defend their Mahometan religion. 

Chap. XV. — B4)bert Earl of ArtoUJighting with the E^p- 
tiansy contrary to the Counsel of the Master of the lem- 
plarSy U overthrovm and drowned^ 

FROM Damietta the French marched up towards Cairo 
[1250] ; the governor whereof, offended with Melech- 
sala, promised to deliver that regal city to the French. 
With some danger and more difficulty, they passed an arm 
of the Nile, being conducted by a fugitive Saracen to a 
place where it was fordable. Hence Earl Robert marched 
forward with a third part of the army, and suddenly assault- 
ing the Turks in their tents (whilst Melechsala was absent 
in solemnizing a feast), put them to flight. Hereupon this 
earl proclaimed himself, in his hopes, monarch of the world : 
this blow made his enemies reel, the next would fell them. 
Now speed was more needful than strength ; this late 
victory, though gotten, was l6st if not used. What though 
they were not many ? the fewer the adventurers, the greater 
the gain. Let them therefore forwards, and set on the whole 
power of the Turks, which was encamped not far off. 

But the master of the Templars, in whom the sap of 
youth was well dried up, advised the earl to stay and digest 
the honour he.had gotten, expecting the arrival of the rest 
of their army ' ; for the work was weighty they undertook, 

^ Matth. Paris, p. 1049. 

204 THE HISTORY OF a. u. 1250 

apd needed two shoulders, the united strength of the Chri^^ 
tians, effectually to manage it ; his soldiers were weary, and 
must be refreshed ; and it was madness to starve them tcKday 
in hope of a feast to-morrow* that they were to march 
through a strange country, and their best instructors livere 
behind ; let them stay for their lantern, and not go in the 
dark. He minded him that he overvalued his victory, not 
considering the enemies* strength, whose harvest wa^ not 
spoiled by losing a handful of men. 
' But the earl, full of the emptiness of self-conceit, allowed 
no counsel for current but that of his own stamp« He 
scorned to wait the leisure of another opportunity, and 
opprobriously ol^ected to the Templars the common lam^ 
that the Holy Land long since nad been won, but for 
the collusion of the false Templars and Hospitallers with 
the infidels^. 

Here the earl of Salisbury interposed himself to make 
peace, and to persuade Robert to listen to the wholesome 
counsel that was given him . But his good will was rewarded 
with << Coward, dastard, English-tail,*' and such like contu- 
inelious terms. Wherefore said pur earl, ^* Well, general, 
on, in God's name ; I believe this day you shall not dare to 
come nigh my horse's taiP.'^ And now the touchstone 
must tell what b gold, what is brass. 

Marching on, they assaulted the castle of Mauzar, and 
were notably repulsed ; and Melechsala, coming in with his 
whole strength, hemmed them in on every side. The 
Christians were but the third part of the army ; and, at the 
present, they themselves were scarce the half of themselves, 
being ^nt for want of refreshing. Yet never shall one 
read more valour in so little a volume ; they played their 
parts most stoutly. As for the French earl, who went on 
like thunder, he went out like smoke, crying to the earl of 
Salisbury, << Flee, flee, for God fighteth against us.'' To 
whom our earl, ** God forbid my father's son should flee 
from the face of a Saracen." The other, seeking to save 
himself by the swiftness of his horse, and crossing the river, 
had there water enough to drown him, but too little to wash 
from him the stain of rashness and cowardice. Thus died 
the earl of Artois ; who had in him the parts of a good 
general, but inverted and in transposition, bold in counsel, 
II - -  - --■ 

« Matth. Paris, p. 1050. 

' Erimus (credo) faodie, ubi non audebis caudam eqoi mei 
attingere* — Idem ibid. 

A. D. 1250 THE JSO L T WA R^ 205 

fearful in execution i He ifvas one of that princely quater-* 
nion of brothers which came hither at this voyage, and 
exceeded each other in some quality; Louis the Holiest^ 
Alphonse the Subtlest, Charles the Stoutest, and this Robert 
the Proudest. 

As for the earl of Salisbury, he resolved to sell his life at 
such Si rate that the buyer should little boast of his penny- 
worth, slaying many a Turk; and though uuhorsed and 
wounded in his legs, stood on his honour when he could not 
stand on his feet ; and, refusing all quarter, upon his knees 
laid about him like a desperate man. The longer he fought, 
the fewer wounds he had ; and there at last he breathed forth 
his soul in the midst of his enemies. Of all the Christiana 
thete escaped no more than two Templars, one Hospitaller^ 
and one common soldier, the messengers of this heavy news. 
The French writers, because they can say little good, say 
little of this battle, and lessen the overthrow as much as 
may be ; which authors of other nations have more felly 
reported. Thus sometimes unfortunate gamesters flatter 
themselves, belie their own purses, and dissemble their 
losses, whereof the standers by take more accurate notice* 
P, ^milius (an Italian, bom at Verona; but by lon^ 
writing the French history, bis pen is made free denison of 
France), though with his hand he doth hide the orifice of 
the wound, yet it is too narrow to cover the whole sore 
round about; so that it plainly appeareth, that a great 
and grievous and most mortal blow was here given to the 

Chap. XVI. — King LouiSf almost in the same Place, hath thif 
same wqful Success; conquered and taken captive by Me* 


IT is easier to be conceived than expressed, what general 
grief this doleful news brought to the French ; who 
followed not far off, and who before had cause enough to 
sorrow for themselves ; for the plague began to rage furiously 
amongst them, and daily swept away thousands. Meantime 
good King Louis sent many of the weakest and impotentest 
people down the river to Damietta, there to enjoy the benefit 
of privacy, good attendance, and physic. Melechsala, having 
intelligence hereof, met them by the way, and setting upon 
ihem (having neither arm to fight, nor. legs to. run away% 
either burned or drowned them all, save one Englishman^ 
Alexander Gifiard (whose ancient and famous family flou^ 
risbetl) .to this, day at CheUington> in Staiford^re)^ who, 


t06 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1250 

woaDded in five places of his body^ escaped to the French, 
and reported what had happened to the rest. 

And by this time Melechsala understood of the corres- 
pondence betwixt King Louis and the governor of Cairo for 
the betraying of the city ; whereupon he caused him sud- 
denly to be apprehended, whereby the French king lost all 
hopes to obtain that place of importance. Yea, now full 
willingly would the Christians have accepted the terms 
formeriy offered them; and now their hungry stomachs 
would make dainties of those conditions which before, when 
foil of pride, they threw away as fragments. But the Turks 
now slighted them, as not worth the treating with ; and as 
knowing that these Frenchmen, who at their first landing 
were more than men, would at last be less than women. 

Then began the French lords to persuade King Louis to 
provide for the safety of his own person, and to return to 
Damietta. They told him, that if he stayed with them 
there was no hope grounded on probability (and what was 
any other but a wilfiil self-delusion?) of his escaping. If 
he were killed, his death would be a living shame to their 
religion ; if taken prisoner, how would Mahomet insult 
over Christ I The captivity of the most Christian of the 
most Christian kings would be foundation enough for the 
Turks thereon to build trophies of eternal triumph. But 
Louis would not leave them, that they might not leave him, 
but resolved to be a commoner with them in weal and woe ; 
disdaining to be such a niggard of his life as not to spend it 
in a good cause in so good company. 

Forward they march, and come to the fatal place where 
the last battle was fought. There behold the mangled, 
headless, handless, feetless corpses of their fellow country- 
men. They knew in general they were all their friends; 
none knew his particular friend. The cause of this un- 
wonted cruelty to the dead was a proclamation which 
Melechsala made, assigning a great sum of money to every 
one who would bring the head, hand, or foot of a Chris* 
tian : and this made many of his covetous cowards (who 
carried their valour in their purses) to be courageous. Whilst 
the French were here bemoaning their fellows, Melechsala 
came upon them with an infinite multitude [April 5], and 

Sut them all (being few and feeble) to the sword ; taking 
ling Louis, with his two brethren, Alphonse and Charles, 

Instantly the Turks went up with French ensigns to 
Damietta, hoping so suddenly to surprise it ; which project 

A. D. 1250 THt: HOLY WAIL 207 

had it took effect, then fiirewell King Louis for ever. He 
must be sent a present to the caliph of fiabylon, from 
whom never any returned alive ; Melechsala being but pur« 
gatory, whence there was redemption ; but the Babylonian 
caliph hell itself, from whence no hope of release. But God 
defeated their design ; for the Turks could not French it so 
handsomely, but that, they were discovered. The very 
language of their hands made them suspected afiir off, be^ 
cause they could not counterfeit the French idiotisms in 
managing their bucklers, that nation being most punctual 
and critical in their military postures ; but being come near, 
it was plain for any to read Turk in their beards and 
complexions; so that they departed without having what 
they desired. 

Chap. XVII. — The woful Impression wMch the ill Success 
qf the French wrought on the Christians in Europe. 

SOME made more haste than good speed (bad news 
being the worst ware a ship can be fraught with) to 
sail into France with the sad tidings of this overthrow. 
These intelligencers Blanche, the queen-mother and regent 
of France, rewarded with the gallows; and my author 
doubteth not to pronounce them all martyrs'. But let 
them be contented with the coronet of their own innocence, 
though without the crown of martyrdom ; that honour alone 
belonging to such as suffer death for fundamental points of 
religion. But so great an eclipse could not long be kept 
from the eyes of the world ; and this doleful and dismal 
news was sounded and seconded from every side. Then 
was there a general lamentation over all Christendom, 
chiefly in France, where all were so sorrowful, that any 
mirth W9s counted prolaneness. Many bounded not them* 
selves within the banks of grief, but brake out into blas- 
phemy, both in France and elsewhere, taxing Justice itself 
of being unjust ; and, not content to admire what they could 
not conceive, condemned God's proceedings herein to be 
against right, because above their reason. Fools, because 
they could not conquer on earth, did quarrel with heaven. 
This bad breath, though it came but from the teeth of some, 
yet proceeded from the corrupted lungs of others; some 
spake but out of present passion, but others even out of 
inbred atheism. Many who before were but lukewarm in 

^ Qqos martyres credimas esse manifestos.— Matth. Paris, 
p. 1069. . 

20a THE HISTORY OF 4. b. 1250 

religioD, now turned stark cold. In Venice and some.otber 
cities of Italy, the inhabitants whereof Matthew Paris^ 
calleth semi-chrittianoSy bat half Christians (though this bis- 
harsh appellation wanteth three parts of charity) begaa 
wholly to tend to apostasy « And now for a crutch to stay* 
their reeling faith* it was high time for the clergy to ply the 
pulpits. They persuaded those Rachels who in this voyage 
oad lost any children and would not be comforted, that 
their children were in a most blessed condition ; they 
emptied all their boxes of their colours of rhetoric, therewith, 
to paint out the happiness of their estate which they en- 
joyed in heaven ; they pieced out their sermons with report- 
ing of miracles : how William earl of Salisbury appeared 
to his mother, and assured her that he reigned most glo- 
rious in heaven^. She presently forgot her grief for losing 
her son, for joy that she had found a saint, yea, a martyr. 
This was their constant custom ; when any in £urope wept 
for the loss of their friends in this war, their tears were 
instantly dried up with some hot miracle that was reported 
them : wherewith the silly people were well pleased; as babes 
of clouts are good enough to keep children from crying. 

About this time many thousands of the English were 
resolved for the holy war, and would needs have been gone,- 
had not the king strictly guarded his ports, and kept his 
kingdom from running away out of doors. The king pro- 
mised he would go with them, and hereupon got a mass of 
money from them for this journey. Some say that he nevec 
intended it, and that this only was a trick to stroke the 
skittish. cow to get down her milk.* His stubborn subjects 
said, that they would tarry for his company till midsummer, 
and no logger. Thus they weighed out their obedience with 
their own scales, and the king stood to their allowance. But 
iiearing of this sorrowful accident, both prince and people 
altered their resolution; who had come too late to help the 
French in their distress, and too soon to bring themselves 
into the same misery » 

Chap, XVIII.' — King Lotus, exchanged for T>am%ctta^ . 
stayeth some years at Ptolemais. » 

BUT to return to J^gypt, where King Louis was kept 
prisoner by Melechsala, who often felt his disposition, 
about the resigning of Damietta, but found. that to hear of 
death was more welcome music unto him. 

' Ut priiu, s Matth. Paris, p. lOdl, . 

A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 209 

Bat see here a sudden alteration. One Tarquemine, a 
sturdy mamaluke, with another of that society, killed 
Melechsala in the very height of his victorioas happiness, 
and succeeded him in the Egyptian kingdom. This Tar- 
quemine came in with an intent to send Louis the same 
way; which poor prince was only armed with innocence 
and majesty, and yet his bare person defended his person 
from that cruel attempt : such an awful impression aid his 
▼ery presence, saith my author, strike into him who would 
have stricken him. But we may rather think that the city 
of Damietta was King Louis's corslet, and that all the 
towers and walls of that place fenced him ; Tarquemine 
reserving his person as an equivalent ransom, thereby to 
redeem diat royal city. 

Now Louis had changed his lord, but not his lamentable 
condition, continuing still a prisoner. At last he was re- 
stored to his liberty, on condition that the Christians should 
surrender Damietta, and he also pay back to the Turks 
many thousand pounds, both for ransom of Christian cap- 
tiveSy and in satisfaction of the vastations they had com- 
mitted in Egypt. Louis, for security of this money, pawned 
to the Turk tne pyx and host (that is, the body or Christ 
transubstantiated in the eucharist), as his chiefest jewel 
which he should be most careful to redeem. Hence, in per- 
petual memory of this conquest, we may see a wafer cake 
and a box always wrought in the borders of that tapestry 
which is brought out of Egypt '• 

Note by the way, that the Turks were most unreasonable 
in their rates of ransoming soldiers, and in all other their 
pecuniary demands. For their own country being near to 
the fountain of gold and silver, they made as if it flowed as 
plentifully in other places, measuring the wealth of other 
lands by their own, and asking as much for a private man's 
ransom as would drain a prince's parse in these western 

Thus was Damietta restored again to the Tuiiks, and the 
Christians punctually performed their promises ; though the 
false miscreant on the other side set not half the captives 
free, killed all the sick persons whom by promise he should 
relieve, and (contrary to the agreement) suffered not any 
Christian to transport any of his goods out of Egypt. 

Hence Louis sailed to Ptolemais ; where he lived in a 
miserable case, being forsaken of his brothers, subjects, 

0^"^— ^"i^— >— ^M^— —  !■■■■■■■■»  I ■■■»■■ ■-^^^^^^^.^^^■^^^^M^^^.— I ■— -^^ I M^— ^i^— . 

' Du Serres, in the Life of Louis IX. 


210 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1250 

friends, and the pope himself. His brothers, Alphonse and 
Charles, though sent into France to solicit his suit, and to 
advance his ransom with speed, yet being arrived, forgot 
the affliction of Joseph, and the king was as fieir from their 
mind as their sight ; wherefore God justly visited Alphonse 
with an incurable disease. His subjects, though furious at 
first in bemoaning him, yet the fit past, complained not so 
much for him as on him ; charging him for ill managing the 
matters in Egypt by his cowardliness and indiscretion. His 
friends, the Pisans and Genoans, reviled him as the marrer 
of their mart, Damietta being formerly their most gainful 
port ; but now their honey was spoiled by destroying the 
nive; for the sultan, seeing the city taken twice of the 
Christians in a short time, to prevent fiirther dispute about 
it, took away the subject of the question, and razed it to the 
ground. The pope forsook him; and, though many en- 
treated his holiness not to prosecute the Emperor Frederick 
any further, from whom Louis expected all the beams of 
his comfort, yet he would hear of no submission from him, 
but sought finally to ruin him. Only Blanche, King Louisas 
mother, was careful for her son, and laboured his cause day 
and night. But alas ! her arms were too short to bring all 
ends together. And having gathered a considerable sum 
of money, and shipped it for Palestine, a tempest in a mo- 
ment cast that away which her care and thrift was many 
months in getting^. All this he bore with a soul not be- 
numbed with Stoical senselessness, but becalmed with 
Christian patience : a second Job, so that what pleased 
God pleased him^. It somewhat \nitigated his misery, that 
he had the company of his consort Margaret, a woman 
worthy so good a husband. Here she bore him a child, 
which, because another Benoni, or son of sorrow, was called 
Tristram. But that name is more ancient^, nor had it its 
birth from the christening of this child. 

Four years King Louis lived (not to say loitered) in 
Syria, daily expecting in vain that some prince of Europe 
should fetch him off with honour, being loath to return till 
he could carry home his credit with him. And though he 
was out of his kingdom, yet was he in his kingdom, whilst 
surveying there the sacred monuments wherewith he was so 
highly affected. 

8 Matth. Paris, p. 1091. « Ibid. 

* Sir Tristram, a knight long hefore. See Carew, in Corn- 
wall, fol. 61. 

A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 211 

Chap. XlX.^^The Commonwealth of the Mamalukes de^ 
scribedf pretenting us with nwny unexampied Remark* 

NOW more largely of Tarquemine, and his killing 
Melechsala, and of the commonwealth of the mama- 
lukes begun by him. And because great is the merit of 
this story, as very memorable, we will fetch it from its first 

Saladin (as is touched before ') was the first of the Turkish 
kings who began the gainful trade of the mamalukes. These 
were Christian captives, brought out of Taurica Cherso- 
nesus, and instructed as in Mahometanism so in all military 
discipline; Saladin disposing them in martial nurseries, 
and continuing a constant succession of them one under 
another. It is above belief how much and speedily they 
were improved in warlike exercises: art doubled their 
strength by teaching them to use it And though they came 
rough out of their own country, they were quickly hewn 
and polished by education ; yea, their apprehensions pre- 
vented tlie precepts, and their practice surpassed the pre- 
cedents of those that instructed them. And it is observed 
in fruits and flowers, that they are much bettered by change 
to a fitter soil ; so were these people by altering their cli- 
mate : the cold country wherein tney were bred gave them 
big and robustious bodies ; and the hot climate whereinto 
they were transplanted ripened their wits, and bestowed 
upon them craft and activity, the dowry of the southern 
countries. They attained to be expert in any service, 
especially were they excellent horsemen ; and at last they 
began to ride on the backs and necks of the Turkish kings 

True it is, Saladin kept his distance over them, used them 
kindly, yet made them not wantons; and so poised these 
mamalukes with his native Egyptians, that in all actions he 
still reserved the casting voice for himself. But Meladin 
and Melechsala, his successors, entertained them without 
number, and instructed them beyond reason, so that under 
them in a manner they monopolized all places of strength 
and command ; till at last, the stem of these mercenary 
soldiers being too great for the stock of the natives, the 
Turkish kingdom into Egypt, like a top-heavy tree, became 
. a windfall. Indeed, the dastardness of the Egyptians made 

^»-i^— ■. II >  -  ■■.-. I III .^ T- r :- 

> Book ^t chap. 40. 

212 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1250 

these mamalukes more daring and insolent. For the ^yp- 
tians more loved profit than honour, and wealth than great- 
ness; and thougn contented to abide labour, would in 
nowise undergo danger. Merchandise they were wholly 
employed in ; and it seemed they used trading so long, till 
at last they made sale of their own spirits. Yea, one could 
not now know. Egypt to be Egypt, but only by the oyer* 
flowing of the Nile, not by any remaining ancient marks of 
▼alour in the people's disposition. Thus the genius of old 
kingdoms in time groweth weaker, and doteth at the last. 

But to come to Tarquemine: he being one of these 
mamalukes, and perceiving how easy it was for those that 
did support, to supplant the Turkish kings, with another of 
his associates slew Melechsala, as it was said. And because 
it was unfitting so great a prince should go to the grave 
alone, he also sent his children and intimate friends thither 
to attend him. Tarquemine afterwards procured of his 
society to be chosen king of Egypt. He was the Solon or 
Lycurgus of this slavish commonwealth, and by the consent 
of the rest of his company he enacted many laws ; whereof 
these were those of the grand charter, which admitted of no 
revocation : — 

First, that the sultan, or chief of this servile empire, 
should be chosen always out of the mamalukes*. 

Secondly, that none should be admitted to the order of 
the mamalukes which were either Jews or Turks by birth, 
but only such as, being born Christians, were afterwards 
taken captives, and then fron) the time of their slavery had 
been instructed in the Mahometan religion. 

Thirdly, that though the sons of the mamalukes might 
enjoy their father's lands and wealth, yet they might not 
take upon them the name or honour of a mamaluke. 

Fourthly, that the native Egyptians should be permitted 
no use of weapons, but only such as with which they fought 
against weeds, to till and manure the land. 

In surveying this state, we can turn no way but must 
meet with wonders : — 

First, one would think that there was such an indelible 
character of slavery in these captives, and such a lamm 
principium in them, that none of them ever should make 
a good prince, as knowing no more how to sway a sceptre 
than a pure clown to manage a sword; or else that they 
should overstate it, turn tyrants, and only exchange their 

» KnoUee, Turk. Hist. p. 107. 

A. D. 1250 THE HOLY WAR. 213 

slavery by becoming vassals to their own passions. Yet 
many of them in their kinds were worthy princes for govern* 
ment, no whit inferior to those which are advantaged with 
royal birth and breeding. 

Secondly, it is a wonder they should he so neglective of 
their own children. How many make an idol of their 
posterity, and sacrifice themselves unto it, stripping them- 
selves out of necessaries to provide their heirs a wan! robe ! 
Yea, it is a principle in most moderate minds to advance 
their posterity, thinking hereby in a manner they overcome 
death, and immortalize their memories in leaving their 
names and honours to their children ; whereas the contrary 
appeared in these mamalukes. 

Thirdly, it is admirable that they fell not out in the elec- 
tion of their prince, being in a manner all equal amongst 
themselves. We see elective states in Christendom, though 
bound with the straitest laws, often sag aside into schisms . 
and factions ; whereas this strange empire in their choice 
had no dangerous discords, but such as were quenched in 
the kindling. 

Lastly, whoever knew a wall that had no better cement, to 
stand so sure and so long ? Two hundred sixty and seven 
years this state endured : and yet had it to do with strong 
and puissant enemies. Some kingdoms owe their greatness 
not so much to their own valour and wisdom as to the weak- 
ness of their neighbours, but it &red not thus with the 
mamalukes. To omit Prester John, who neighboured them 
on the south, on all other sides they were encompassed with 
potent opposers, from whom right valiantly they defended 
themselves, till in the year 1517 they were overcome by 
Selimus, the great Turkish emperor. 

To conclude: as for the Amazons and their brave 
adiievements, with much valour and no manhood, they 
and their state had only being in the brains of fabulous 
writers. As for the Assassins, or regiment of rogues, it never 
spread to the breadth of any great country, nor grew to the 
height of a kingdom ; but, being the jakes of the world, was 
cast out in a place betwixt barren hills. But this empire of 
vassals was every way wonderful, stretching so &r over all 
Egypt and most of Syria, and lasting so long. A strange 
state, wherein slavery was the first step to their throne^ and 
apostasy the first article in their religion I 

214 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1250 

CuAP. XX. — The Manner of the Death of Frederick King 
of Jerutakm; his WHl and Posterity after him. An 
Interregnum both in Germany and the Kingdom of Jeru- 

IN this same year [1250] Frederick king of Jerusalem and 
emperor of Germany^ ended bis troublesome days. A 
prince, who in the race of his life met with many mbs, some 
stumbles, no dangerous fall. Besides the Tuik, he bad to 
do with the pope (the pope immortal in his succession). 
And though his holiness was unfit for war (as being always 
old, and never ripe for that place till almost rotten), yet he 
used his own head, and commanded the hands of others ; 
whereby he kept Frederick in a continual war. Yet never 
could he have beaten him with fair play, had he not used a 
weapon, if not against the law of arms, against the law of 
God, and against which no guard; arming his subjects 
against him, and dispensing widi the oath of allegiance. 

But he gave Frederick the mortal wound, in setting him- 
self against himself; I mean, Henry his eldest son. And 
though Frederick easily conquered that rebellious youth, 
and made him fast enough, keeping him in prison in Apulia, 
where he died, yet he carried the grief hereof to his grave. 
For now he knew not where or in whom to place any con- 
fidence, as suspecting the single cord of loyalty would not 
hold in others, which brake in his own son though twisted 
with natural affection. . 

The greatness of his spirit was a great hastening of his 
death ; and being of a keen, eager, and active nature, the 
sharpness of the sword cut the scabbard the sooner asunder. 
Bow he could not, break he must Whatever is reported, 
he died of no other poison than sorrow (which ushered him 
into a wasting ague), grief being a burden whereof the 
strongest shoulders can bear the least. As for the &me, that 
Maufred his base son should stifle him with a pillow ' ; 
though I must confess he might be taken on suspicion, as 
likely enough to play such a devilish prank ; yet it is un- 
reasonable, that he who is acquitted by the authors of the 
same time, should be condemned on the evidence of the 
writers of after ages*. 

He died at Florence in an obscure castle on St. Lucy's 

* Bzovius, aDDO 1S50, $ 14. 

^ Falsam ex ejus temporis hominum testimonio esse convin- 
citur. — Pantal. in Fred. II. 

A.D. 1250 THE HOLT WAR. 215 

day [Dec. 13 ; as others, 26], having reigned king of Jeru- 
salem three and twenty years. By his will he bequeathed 
many ounces of gold to the Knights Templars and Hos- 
pitallers, in recompense of the wrongs they had received by 
hini. He left a great sum of money for the recovery of the 
Holy Land, to be disposed at the discretion of the aforesaid 
knights. He forbade any stately funeral for himself, though 
in his life immoderately excessive in pomp ; as if he would 
do penance for his pride after death. A prince, who, had 
he not been hindered with domestical discords, would have 
equalized Csesar himself: for if thus bravely he laid about 
him, his hands being tied at home with continual dissen- 
sions, what would he have done if at liberty ? A scandal 
is raised since his death, that he was but a miller's son' ; 
but he would have ground them to powder who in his life- 
time durst have averred it. Indeed be was very happy in 
mechanical matters, such as we may term liberal handi- 
crafb; as casting, founding, carving in iron and brass: 
neither did this argue a low soul, to dabble in such mean 
employments, but rather proved the amplitude and large- 
ness thereof; of so general acquaintance, that no art was a 
stranger to him. But the suspicion of his birth rose from 
the almost miraculous manner of it; Constantia, his mother, 
bearing him when well nigh sixty years of age. But, both 
in Scripture and other writers, we may see the sons of long- 
barren mothers to have been fruitful in famous achieve- 

Pity it was that he had some fiaiults; yea, pity it had been 
if he had not had some. But his vices indeed were noto- 
rious and inexcusable. Many wives and concubines he had, 
and by them many children. 

HU Wioa. ^ChSdrm. ' ^^^^**^ Preferment, 

1. Constantia, queen of Henry, who re- King of the Ro- 

Aragon. belled against mans. 

* him. 

2. lole, daughter to John Conrad. Duke of Suabia. 

3 Agnes, daughter to 
the Marquess of Mo- 
ravia, childless di- 

3 Others say, a falconer's, or a physician's. See Munsier, 
De Italia, lib. 2, p. 235. 


THE*HISTORY OF a. d. 1250 

His Whet. 

His UgUimate 

4. Rutina. 

5. Isabella of Bavaria. A^es. 

6. Maud, daughter to Constance. 
John king of Eng- 

Their Freferment. 

Married to Con- 

rady landgrave 

of Hesse. 
Wife Ao Lewis, 

landgrave of 


His Concvhine* 

If u base Sens. 

1. Henzius: 

2. Maufred. 

3. Frederick. 

King of Sardinia. 
Usurper of Sicily. 
Prince of Antioch.* 

It is much, that succession adventured in so many several 
bottoms should miscarry : yet these four sons dying, left no 
lasting issue ; and in the third generation Frederick's stock, 
and that whole race of Suabian princes, was extinct : which 
in the judgment of some men was a judgment of God on him 
for his lasciviousness. 

We must not forget a memorable passage which hap- 
pened more than twenty years after Frederick's death : — 
One Tylo Colupp, a notable juggler, some time brought up 
at the court, cunningly sewing together all the old shreds of 
his courtship, and stretching them out with impudency^ 
pretended to be Frederick £e emperor, long detained in 
captivity in Palestine ^. The difference betwixt their aspects 
was easily reconciled ; for few physiognomy marks are so 
deeply fixed in any face, but that age and misery will alter 
them. The credulity of the vulgar sort presently betrayed 
them to be cozened by him ; yea, some princes took this 
brass for gold without touching it. But the best engine 
which gave this puppet his motion was a bruit constantly 
buzzed, that Frederick was not dead; for princes, the 
manner of whose deaths hath been private and obscure, 
fame commonly conjureth again out of their graves, and 
they walk abroad in the tongues and brains of many, who 
affirm and believe them to be still alive. But the worid 
soon surfeited of this cheater's forgery ; and this glowworm, 
when brought into the light, shined no more, but at Nanse 
was burnt to ashes by Rodulph the emperor. 

After Frederick's death there was an interregnum for 

* Gathered out of Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part 3, p. 306. 
^ CaWisius, anno 1S85, ex Spang. £c Pantal. in Rodulpfao 

A.i>. 1251 THE HOLY WAR. 217 

three and twenty years in the empire of Germany. True 
it is, that of some, WiUiam earl of Hollaed (one without a 
beard, not valour) was nominated emperor. The spiritual 
electors chose Richard, brother to our King Henry III. 
And as in Cornwall he got much coin, so Germany gave 
him a bottomless bag to put it in. A third party named 
AlphoDse, king of Castile, an admirable mathematician; 
but the ointment of his name is marred with the dead fly of 
his atheistical speech, that if he had been in God's stead, 
be could have framed the world better than now it is. 
Notwithstanding, the best Dutch writers make an interreg- 
num, as counting the empire still a widow, and all these 
rather her suitors than any her husband. 

In like manner also in Palestine there was not any king 
for fourteen years after Frederick's death. Tlie right 
indeed lay in Conrad duke of Suabia, Frederick's son by 
lole daughter to John Bren king of Jerusalem ; but he 
was so employed in defending himself in Sicily against 
Maufred his base brother (who soon after dispatched him 
out of the way), that he had no leisure to prosecute his 
title to the fragments of the kingdom of Jerusalem. 

Cflitp. XXI. — The Pastorelh killed in France. King Louis 

returned home. 

GO we back to King Louis, who all this while stayed 
in Palestine, busying himself partly in building and 
fencing of Sidon and Cssarea, partly in composing discords 
betwixt the Pisans and Genoans, even proceeding to 
threaten them into agreement ; but these armed men little 
cared for his naked menacing. He being also an excellent 
religious antiquary and critic on holy monuments, much 
employed himself in redeeming of old sacred places fh>m 
the tyranny of time and oblivion. 

Meantime, in his kingdom of France happened this 
strange accident [1251]; an Hungarian peasant, who is 
said to have been an apostate to Mahomet and well learned, 
gathered together many thousands of people, pretending 
they had intelligence from heaven to march to the Holy 
Land^. These took on them the name and habit of Pas- 
torelUt poor shepherds ; in imitation belike (as the devil is 
God's ape) of those in the gospel, who were warned by 
angels in a vision to go to Bethlehem. 

Being to shape their course into Palestine, they went 

* Matth. Paris, p. 1094, 

ai8 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1253 

into France; showing they had a vertigo in th^ heads, 
mistaking the west for the east ; or else, that like vagabonds 
they were never out of their way. 

The holy Lamb was their ensign, but their actions neither 
holy nor lamb-like. They pillaged and killed the poor 
Jews as they went (an unhappy nation, whose heads lie pat 
for every one*s hands to hit, and their legs so stand in men's 
way that few can go by them without spurning at them) ; 
where they wanted Jews, they made Jews of Christians, 
especially if they were rich, using them with all cruelty. 
But at last near Bourdeaux threescore thousand of them 
were slain, and the rest dispersed. A rhymer of that age 
(or in courtesy call him a poet) made Uiis epitaph on 

M semel, et bis C, L I, conjtmgere diice ,- 
Duxit pastorum sava Megara chorion^. 

Learn to put together well, 
What M, C, C, L, I, do spell ; 
When some devilish fiend in France 
Did teach the shepherds how to dance. 

By this time [1253] Louis in Syria had stayed out the 
death and burial of all his hopes to receive succour from 
his own country. Long expecting in vain that France 
should come to him, he at last returned to it. The great- 
ness of the burthen he bore made him go the faster ; and 
being laden with debts to his Italian creditors, he secretly 
hasted home; where safely arriving [April 25,] besides 
loyalty to their prince, love to a stranger was enough to 
make him welcome. 

Chap. XXII. — The Conversion of the Tartariam, Haalon 
conquereth Persia, and extinguisheth the Caliphs of Baby^ 

LOUIS is gone, and left the Christians in Syria in a 
woful condition, without hope of amendment. Now, 
can any good come out of Tartary ? can the northern wind 
blow a comfortable warmth ? Yea, see a strange vicissitude 
of things! Haito, the Christian king of Armenia, had 
travelled to Mango the cham of Tartary, to communicate 
to him the present danger of the Turks, and to consult of 
a remedy ^. He showed, how if order were not taken with 

*■■. .1 ■■! I -■ ..I. I .1.1 .. I I  .. I I .1. I . , , 

' ' Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 698. 

1 Marinus Sanatas. Magdeburg. Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 

^•D. 1255 THE HOLY WAR. 219 

tliem in time, they would overran all Asia : let him not 

count that he lay out of their road, because of his remote 

situation.; for what is the way wanderers will not trace? 

He might expect only this courtesy, to be last devoured. 

In conclusion, Haito prevailed so hx with this pagan, that 

lie not only promised his assistance, but also was baptized, 

emd took the Christian religion on him : so also aid his 

"^whole country by his example [1254] ; and Christianity being 

the court fashion, none would be out of it. Never since 

the time of Constantine the Great, did the devil at once 

lose a greater morsel, or was there made a more hopeful 

accession to the faith. 

Understand we this conversion of Tartary (though authors 
predicate it universaUy of that whole country) only of 
Cathaia, the eastern and most refined part of that empire ; 
for cannibals were still in the north, who needed first to be 
converted to reason and to be made men, before they could 
become Christians. Also at this same time we find a swarm 
of western Tartarian heathens foraging Poland^. So it 
seemeth, so vast was the empire, that it was still night in 
the west, though it was day in die eastern part thereof. 

Now, whether the conversion of these Tartarians was 
solemnly, deliberately, and methodically wrought by preach- 
ing, first, those things wherein the light of nature concurreth 
.with faith ; then, those wherein human reason is no ibe but 
standeth neuter ; lastly, such as are merely of faith, leaving 
the issue of all to God, whose oratory alone can persuade 
isouls^; or whether (which is more probable) it was but 
tumultuously done, many on a sudden rather snatching than 
embracing religion^ we will not dispute. Sure it is that 
Mango sent Haalon his brother [1255] (who is said to have 
married a wife an excellent Christian, and descended from 
the wise men who came to see our Saviour^) with a great 
army to suppress the Turks and assist the Christians. It 
seemeth his army rode post, for, falling into Persia, he con- 
quered it sooner than one can well travel it, in half a year'. 
It facilitated his victory, because that country had much 
unfurnished herself to furnish her foreign colonies and 
garrisons in Syria ; and generally active nations are strong- 

* Calvisius, ex Hist. Pol. in anno 1359 

' Bhov kuTi ifdOiv tAc rj/vxac* — Athanasios. 

* Magdeburg. Cent. iS, cap. 2, p. 5. 

* So Knollesy Turk. Hist. p. 112. The Magdeburgenses say 
less, Semestrispatio, Cent* 13, cap. 16, col. 699. * 

220 THE HISTORY OF a.ik1256 

en abroad, and weakest at home; where they are only 
stfoog with a conceit oi their strength betieved in otb^ 
countries. The city Samarcand only resisted him [1256]. 
Haalon, seeing it would not come at the first, let it stay ; 
counting it beneath a conqueror to tempt his fortune with 
a long siege, which perchance might alter the whole course 
of the cands, and make him rise a loser. Wherefore he 
himself only skimmed the cream of the conquest, and went 
away with what was easy and smooth, deputing an inferior 
captain to hew this knotty senrice; who after a long siege 
subdued it. For in respect of the age of this siege, that of 
Troy was but a child, it lasting seven and twenty years ^ ; 
and at last not taken but yielded up, the defendants then 
wanting clothes to cover their nakedness. 

From Persia Uaalon marched to Babylon [1258]; the 
caliph whereof, called Musteazem, was so superstitious an 
idolater to his wealth, that he would not provide necessaries 
for the defence of the city, and therefore it was quickly 
subdued. The covetous caliph he femished to death, and 
then filled his mouth with melted gold 7. £very where 
mosques went down and churches up. 

Hence into Mesopotamia, which he instantly conquered, 
with the cities of Aleppo and Edessa [1260]. He won 
and restored many places to Conrad the Christian prince of 
Autioch, which the Turks formerly detained from him. 
Yea, this Tartarian army so awed Melechem the mamaluke 
prince of Egypt, who succeeded Tarquemine, that he 
durst not budge. And many other good o£Sces this Haalon 
did to the Christians in Syria. 

Chap. XXIII. — The DUcord betwLrt the Genoam and 
Venetiantf who burn the Genoan Ships in Ptolemais, 

BUT they were unworthy of this happiness, who would 
not be at leisure to make use of it, but busied them- 
•selves in private dissensions, the Genoans against the Pisans 
and Venetians. These states (as many others in Italy) at 
this time were so proud in their master's old clothes, they 
scarce knew themselves, grown brave with the feathers the 
eagle bad moulted, and set up by the breaking of the 
emperor in Italy. The Venetians and Genoans were hardly 
matched ; the Pisans were not so strong, but as stomachfel 
as either of them, and then in this point of policy superior 

* MtLf^dehwg, et Knolles, at priiis. 
^ Calvisius, in anno 1158, ex Bizaro. 

A. D. 1260 THE HOLY WAR. 221 

to both : that first siding with the GrenoanSy they whipped 
the Venetiaiis ; then when they were sufficiently humbled, 
taking part with the Venetians, they stripped and lashed 
the Genoans : and the scales being even before, Pisa made 
that weigh down by course wherein she cast her grains. 

Now not content to fidl out at home, within the doors of 
Italy, they must fight in Syria in the open street, where the 
Turks looked on and laughed at them ; counting it in their 
apprehension as good sport as to see a spider poison a toad. 
Besides their old grudges transported nither out of Italy, 
this green wound was the cause of their dissension here ; 
in Ptolemais these three states had their several streets, 
several markets for trading, and courts for causes both civil 
and criminal; hut all three had one church (that of St. 
Sabbas) common unto them, by the ordering of the pope 
himself, who counted the same church might serve the 
worshippers of the same God. - But the Venetians, by the 
virtue of an ancient agreement betwixt them and King 
paid win for their service in winning this city, challenged a 
peculiar interest therein'. Hereabout was there old bust- 
ling, and in a tumult, the Genoans, at that time surpassing 
for number, drave the Venetians out of the church ; yea, 
Philip of Montfort, a French governor of Ptolemais in the 
time of the interregnum, wanting not only policy for a 
magistrate, but wit for a man (Blondus saith he was half 
Hiad^, and his actions speak him no less), compelled the 
Venetians generally to forsake the city. 

Implacably incensed hereat, the Venetians arm thirteen 
galleys which they had at Tyre, and coming to Ptolemais 
forced asunder the chain which crossed the haven, and 
burned five and twenty ships of the Genoans which lay 
there. For alas! being straitened in the haven, they had 
no room (being entangled) to turn and free themselves one 
from another. And Uiough united force be most forcible, 
yet not when so stifled and smothered that it cannot express 
and exercise itself. Many brave soldiers in these ships lost 
their lives in a bundle, without selling them, or ever 
opening their wares. 

To avenge this loss, the state of Genoa sent from home a 
navy of fifiy ships of all sorts, which came to Tyre. There 
meet they with Reinerius Zenus duke of Venice, with the 

* So saith Blondus, Decad. 2, lib. 8, p. 308. But if we 
consult Tyrius, lib. 10, cap. 28, the Genoans and not the 
Venetians won Ptolemais. ^ Loco prius citato. 

222 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1260 

united power of the Venetians and Pisans, counting no 
fewer than seventy-four vessels well provided. They would 
have fought in the very haven of Tyre, but the governor of 
the city forbade it : it would be more scandalous to Chris- 
tianity; the roving fireballs might hurt the city, and 
sinking ships hinder the harbour ; besides, the conquered 
party would probably complain of tlie partiality of the 
place, that it more £aivoured one side ; they should not fight 
under his nose ; if they had a mind to it, let them out, and 
try their fortunes in the open sea. 

Chap. XXIV. — The Genoan Navy beaten by the Venetian* 
Sea and Land-$ervke compared, both in Danger and. 

ACCORDINGLY it was performed ; out they go and 
fall to their work. Their galleys, like ostriches, used 
their legs more than their wings, more running with oars 
than flying with sails. At that time, before ordnance vrva 
found out, ships were both guns and bullets themselves, 
and furiously ran one against another. 

They began with this arietation: herein strength was 
much but not all ; nimbleness was also very advantageous 
to break and slent the downright rushings of a stronger 
vessel. Then fell they to grappling : here the steady ship 
had the better of it ; and those soldiers who best kept their 
legs could best use their arms, the surest stander being 
always the soundest striker. Much valour was showed on 
both sides, and at last the victory fell to the Venetian. The 
Genoans, losing five and twenty of their ships, fied, and 
saved the rest in the haven of Tyre, after a most cruel amd 
desperate battle. 

And surely, generally sea-fights are more bloody than 
those on the land, especially since guns came up, whose 
shot betwixt wind and vrater (like those wounds so often 
mentioned in the scripture under the fifth rib), is commonly' 
observed mortal. lea, &r harder it is for a ship, when 
arrested and engaged in a battle, to clear itself, than for 
soldiers by land to save themselves by flight. Here neither 
his own two nor his horse*s four legs can bestead any ; but 
like accidents they must perish with their subjects, and sink 
with their ship. 

And then why is a sea victory less honour, being more 
danger, than> one achieved by land? Is it because seaservice 
is not so general, nor so full of varieties, and the mysteries 
thereof sooner learned? Or because in seafights fortune may 
seem to be a deeper sharer, and valour not so much in- 

A. B. 1265 THE HOLY WAR. 223 

te rested ? Whatsoever it is, the laurel purchased on land 
hath a more lively verdure than that which is got at sea. 

We return to the Venetians : who, using or rather abusing 
this conquest, enter Ptolemais, cast out all Genoans thence, 
throw down their buildings both public and private, de- 
molish the fort which they had builded at St Saba, rifle and 
spoil their shops, warehouses, and storehouses: only the 
pope prevailed so far witli them, that they set at liberty the 
prisoners they had taken. 

Ten years did this war last betwixt these two states in 
Syria, composed at last (saith my author) by the authority 
of Pope Clement IV., and by (amine (the bad cause 
of a good effect) which in Palestine starved them into 
agreement. Longer these wars lasted betwixt them in 
Italy : their success like the sea they fought on, ebbing and 
flowing. In this costly war Pisa was first beggared ; and 
for all her politic partaking, Genoa at last strode so heavy 
upon her, that ever since she hath drooped and hung the 
wing, and at this day is maid to Florence, who formerly 
was mistress of a good part of Italy. But I have no calling 
and less comfort to prosecute these bloody dissensions : for 
wars of Christians against Infidels are like the heat of ex- 
ercise which serveth to keep the body of Christianity in 
health; but these civil wars amongst themselves, like the 
heat of a fever, dangerous, and destructive of religion. 

Chap. XXV. — Charles made King ofSicilif and Jerusalem 
by the Fope ; Hugh King of Cyprus pretendeth aUo to go 
to Jerusalem. 

W£ have now gotten Pantaleon, a Frenchman, who 
succeeded Robert in the titular patriarchship of 
Jerusalem, to be pope, by the name of Urban IV. ' To 
advance the holy cause, after fourteen years interregnum 
in Syria, he appointed Charles duke of Anjou, younger 
brother to King Louis of France, king of Sicily and Jeru« 
salem, and it was ratified by Clement IV. his successor. 

This honour was first offered to Louis himself; but piety 
had dried up in him all ambitious humours : then to our 
Henry of England ; but his war-wasted purse could not 
stretch to the pope's price : at last, this Charles accepted 
it [1265]. But it is not for any special favour to the bush, 
if a man run under it in a storm : it was no love to Charles, 
but to himself, to be sheltered from Manfred, that the pope 
conferred this honour upon him. And the wife of Charts, 

' Platina, in Urban IV. 

224 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 126Q 

that she might go in equipage with, her three sisters, bein^ 
queens, sold all her jewels to furnish her husband with 
money to purchase these kingdoms^; that sex loving 
bravery well, but greatness better. 

Now the pope (whose well-grounded and bounded 
bounty will never undo him ; for where he giveth away the 
meat he selleth the sauce), conditioned with Charles on 
these terms 3; first, that he should conquer Manfred then 
king of Sicily, who molested the pope ; and that he should 
finally subdue all the remaining race of Frederick II., 
emperor, who claimed that kingdom. Secondly, in ac- 
knowledgment that he held these kingdoms from the pope, 
he should pay him an annual pension of four (some say 
forty) thousand pounds. Provided, if this Charles should 
chance to be chosen emperor of Germany, that then he 
should either resign Sicily back again into the hands of his 
holiness, or not accept the empire \ For he knew that all 
emperors would be possessed with an antipapal spirit ; and 
that they would hold Sicily, not in homage from the church, 
but as a member of the empire ; besides, the pope would 
not dispense that princes should hold plurality of temporal 
dominions in Italy ; especially, he was so ticklish be could 
not endure the same prince should embrace him on both 

Ever since, the twin titles of Sicily and Jerusalem have 
gone together ; and fit it is that the shadow should follow 
the substance. Charles subdued Maufred and Conradin 
his nephew (the last of the Suabian race, and grandchild to 
Emperor Frederick), and was possessed of Sicily, and lived 
there; but as for the gaining of Jerusalem, he little regarded 
it, nor came thither at all: a watchfiil king, who never slept 
in his kingdom. 

His absence gave occasion to Hugh king of Cyprus to 
furbish up new his old title to the kingdom, as lineally 
descended from Almerick II ^. And coming to Ptolemais, 
he there was crowned king of Jerusalem [Sept. 27, 1269]: 
but the extremity of the famine (all things being excessive 
dear) much abated the solemnity and state of his coronation. 

^ Besoldus, De Reg. Sicil. p. 645, 649. 

' See these conditions at large (five and twenty in number) 
out of Jo. Anton. Summont. cited in Besoldus, p. 647. 

* Platina, in Clem. IV. — Neve Imperium Romanum, etiam 
ultro oblatum, acciperet. 

' CalvisiuSi in anno 1269, ex Marino Sanuto. 

A. D. 1262 THE HOLY WAIL 225 

Chap. XXVI. — The Tartarians alienated Jrom the Chrit^ 
tiaru, Bendocdar tyrannizeth over them, and Louis King 
of France setteth forth again for to tuccour them, 

BUT betwixt two kings the kingdom went to the ground 
[1261] : for Haalon the Tartarian prince % and late 
Christian convert, was returned home to succeed .his 
brother Mango in the empire, leaving Abaga his son with 
competent forces in the. city of Damascus, which he had 
won from the Turks. Soon after, Abaga followed his father, 
and substituted Guirboca his lieutenant in Damascus. 

This Guirboca, upon the the occasion of his nephew 
rashly slain by the Christians in a broil, fell off wholly from 
Christianity, with all the Tartarians his countrymen [1262]. 
The occasion this : the Dutch Christians return with great 
booty they had taken from the Turks ; Guirboca's nephew 
meeteth them, demandeth it for himself^; the Christians 
deny him. (as soldiers are very tender-conscienced in that 
point, counting it a great sin to part with the spoil thev 
are possessed of) : hence brawls, then blows ; Guirboca s 
nephew is slain: hereat the Tartarians (who were very 
humorous in their friendship ; if not observed to an inch, 
lost for ever), in discontent, all either reel aside to Mahomet, 
or fall back to paganism. 

Herein the Christians cannot be excused : infant-converts 
roust be well tended. It had been discretion in them, even 
against discretion to have yielded a little to these Tartarians, 
and so to continue their amity, which was so advantageous 
to the holy war. However, one may question the truth of 
their conversion, whether real at first: this spring was too 
forward to hold ; and the speedy withering of their religion 
argueth it wanted root. And as tame foxes, if they break 
loose and return wild, do ten times more mischief than those 
which were wild from the beginning ; so these renegadoes 
raged . more furiously than any pagans against religion. 
Guirboca sacrificed many Christians to the ghost of his 
nephew, destroyed Cssarea and burnt it, using all cruelty 
against the inhabitsgits. 

Nor less were the Christians plagued at the same time 
with Bendocdar the maroaluke prince in Egypt ; who suc- 
ceeded Melechem, and every where raging against them, 
either killed or forced them to forswear their religion. The 

^ Calvisiu8» ex Marino Sanato, in anno 1360. 
' Magdeburg. Cent. IS, cap. 16, col. 699. 


226 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1268 

city of Joppa he took and burned fl 268 J ; and then won 
Antioch, slaying^ therein twenty thousand^ and carrying 
away captive a hundred thousand Christians. But it may 
justly be suspected that these numbers were written first in 
figures, and therefore at too much length, when the adding 
of nothing may increase many thousands. 

These woliil tidings brought into Europe, so wrought on 
the good disposition of Louis king of France, that he re- 
solved to make a second voyage into Palestine to sucoour 
the Christians. 

He so fixed his mind on the journey's end, that he saw 
not the dangers in the way. His counsel could not dissuade, 
though they did dissuade him. First, they urged, that he 
was old; let younger men take their turns : they recounted 
to him his former ill success; how lately had that hot 
country scorched the lilies of France, not only to the blasting 
of the leaves, but almost withering of the root I Besides, the 
sinews of the Christians in Syria were so shrunk, that 
though lifted up they could not stand ; that nature decayed, 
but not thus wholly destroyed, was the subject of physic ; 
that the Turks had got a habit of conquering, and riveted 
themselves into the possession of the country * so that this 
Toyage would but fieet the cream of the kingdom to cast it 
into the fire. 

But as a vehement flame maketh fuel of whatsoever it 
meeteth; so this king*s earnest resolution turned bridles 
into spurs, and hinderances into motives to bis journey. 
Was he old? let him make the more speed, lest envious 
death should prevent him of this occasion of honour. Had 
he sped ill formerly? he would seek his credit where he 
lost it : surely, Fortune*s lottery had not all blanks, but that 
after long drawing he should light on a prize at last. Were 
the Christians in so low a case ? the greater need they had 
of speedy help. 

Thus was this good king's judgment over-zealed. And 
surely, though devotion be the natural heat, discretion (which 
wanted in him) is the radical moisture of an action, keeping 
it healthful, prosperous, and long-lived. 

Well, King Louis will go, and to this end provideth his 
navy; and is accompanied with Philip and Tristram his 
sons, Theobald king of Navarre his son-in-law, Alphonse 
his brother, and Guido earl of Flanders. There went also 
Edward eldest son to Henry king of England. It was a 
wonder he would now adventure his head when he was to 
receive a crown, his father being full ripe to drop down 
without gathering, having reif^n^ longer than most men 

A. D. 1270 THE HOLT WAR, 227 

live, fifty and five years. But thirsty was this Edward of 
honour : Longshanks was he called ; and as his strides were 
large, so vast and wide was the extent of his desire. As 
for his good fiither, he was content to let go the staff of his 
age for to be a prop to the church, ^d though King 
Louis was indiscreet in going this joomevy be was wise in 
choosing this his companion, to have this actiye prince 
along with hira ; it being good to eye a suspicious person, 
and not to leave him behind. 

With Edward went his brother Edmund earl of Lancaster, 
sumamed Crouchback ; not that he was crookshouldered, or 
camelbacked : (from which our English poet most zealously 
doth vindicate him ; 

Edmund like him the comeliest prince alive. 
Not crookback'd, ne in no wise disfigured. 
As some men write, the right line to deprive, 
Though great falsehood made it to be scriptured'.) 

but fix>m the cross, anciently called a crouch (whence 
crouched friars) which now he wore in his voyage to Jeru* 
salem. And yet it maketh it somewhat suspicious, that in 
Latin records he is never read with any other epithet than 
GMo8ut\ But be he crooked or not, let us on straight 
with our story. 

Chap. XXVII. — King Lotus besiegeth the City of Tunis, 
His Death and Commendation. 

LOUIS now having hoised up sail [1270], it was con- 
cluded, by the general consent of his council, that to 
secure and clear the Christians* passage to Palestine from 
pirates, they should first take the city of Carthage in Africa 
by the way. 

This Cairthage long wrestled with Rome for the sove- 
reignty, and gave as many foils as she took, till Scipio at 
last crushed out her bowels vnth one deadly fall. Yet long 
after the city stood before wholly demolished, to be a spur 
to put mettle into the Romans, and to be a foreign mark for 
their arrows, lest otherwise they should shoot against them<- 
selves. At last by the counsel of Cato it was quite de- 
stroyed : who alleged, that it was not safe to have a knife 
so near their throat ; and though good use might be made 
of an enemy at arm's end, yet it was dangerous to have him 
too close to one's side ; as Carthage was within a day's sail 
from Rome. 

' Harding, chap. 147. 

* Vincent's DiscovpriM of Brook's Errours, Tit. Lancaster. 

•228 THE HISTORY OF a.d.1270 

Oat of the ruins of this fiunous gity Tunis arose ; as often 
a stinking elder groweth out of the place where an oak 
hath been felled. Thieving was their trading ; but then as 
yet they were apprentices to piracy, whereof at this day 
they are grown masters. Yea, not considerable was Tunis 
then in bigness, great only in mischief. But as a small 
scratch just upon the turning of a joint is more troublesome 
than a bigger sore in another place, so this paltry town 
(the refuge of rogues, and wanderers home), seated in the 
passage betwixt Europe, Asia, and Africa, was a worse 
annoyance to Christian traffic, than a whole country of 
Saracens elsewhere. Wherefore both to revenge the blood 
of many Christians, who passing this way to Palestine were 
either killed or taken captive, as also to secure the way for 
the time to come, Louis with his whole fleet (augmented 
with the navy of Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem, his 
brother) bent his course to besiege it. 

It was concluded both unnecessary and unfitting, first in 
a fair way to summon the city; because like pernicious 
vermin they were to be rooted out of the world by a ny 
means ; nor was it meet to lavish the solemn ceremonies of 
war on a company of thieves and murderers. 

The siege was no sooner begun but the plague seized on 
the Christian army, whereof thousands 4^^; amongst 
others, Tristram King Louis's son : and he himself of a 
flux followed after. This Louis was the French Josiah, 
both for the piety of his life, and wofulness of his death, 
engaging himself in a needless war. Many good laws he 
made for his kingdom : that not the worst, he first retrenched 
his barons' power to suffer parties to try their intricate titles 
to land by duels'. He severely punished blasphemers, 
searing their lips with a hot iron^. And because by his 
command it was executed upon a great rich citizen of Paris, 
some said he was a tyrant : he, hearing it, said before many, 
I would to God that with searing my ovjrn lips I could 
banish out of my realm all abuse of oaths. He loved more 
to hear sermons than to be present at mass ; whereas on 
the contrary our Henry IH. said, he had rather see his God 
than hear another speak of him though never so well '. His 
body was carried into France, there to be buried, and was 
most miserably tossed ; it being observed, that the sea 

' Sir Walter Baleigh, Hist, part 1, lib. 5, cap, 3. 
' Alfonso Villeg. in the Life of St. Loais. 
^ Continaat. Matth. Paris, in anno 1:273. 

A. D. 1271 THE HOLY WAR. 229 

cannot digest the crudity of a dead corpse, being a due 
debt to be interred wh6re it djeth; and a ship cannot 
abide to be made a bier of. He was sainted after his 
death by Boniface VIII., and the fi^e and twentieth day of 
August (on which day in his first voyage to Palestine he 
went on shipboard) is consecrated to his memory. Herein 
he had better luck than as good a man, I mean our Henry 
VI., who could not be canonized without a mighty sum of 
money ; belike angels making saints at Rome. 

Chap. XXVIII. — Tunig taken. The French return home^ 
whilst our Edward valiantly setteth forward for Palestine, 

BY this time Tunis was brought to great distress, and at 
last on these conditions surrendered [1271]; that it 
should pay yearly to Charles king of Sicily and Jerusalem 
forty thousand crowns; that it should receive Christian 
ministers, freely to exercise their religion; if any Saracen 
would be baptized, he should be suffered ; that all Christian 
captives should be set free ; that they should pay back so 
much money as should defray the Christians' charges in this 
voyage. Our Edward would needs have had the town 
beaten down, and all put to the sword, thinking the foulest 
quarter too fair for them. Their goods (because got by 
robbery) he would have sacrificed as an anathema to God, 
and burnt to ashes : his own share he execrated, and 
caused it to be burnt, forbidding the English to save any 
thing of it ; because that coals stolen out of that fire would 
sooner bum their houses than warm their hands. It 
troubled not the consciences of other princes to enrich 
themselves herewith, but they glutted themselves with the 
stolen honey which liiey found in this hive of drones ; and 
which was worse, now their bellies were full they would go 
to bed, return home, and go no further. Yea, the young 
king of France, called Philip the Bold, was fearful to 
prosecute his journey to Palestine ; whereas Prince Edward 
struck his breast, and swore, that though all his friends 
forsook him, yet he would enter Ptolemais, though but 
only with Fowin his horsekeeper. By which speech he 
incensed the English to go on with him. 

The rest, pleading the distemperature of the weather, 
went to Sicily, in hope with change of air to recover their 
health ; where many of them found what they sought to 
avoid, death : amongst other, Theobald king of Navarre, 
and Isabel his wife, and William earl of Flanders, who 
ended their days at Drepanum. Besides, their navy was 

230 THE HISTORY OF a.d. Un 

Smrsuivanted after with a horrible tempest, and a corse 
entailed either on their ill-gotten*goods, or deserting God's 
cause, or both) arrested them in their return, so thai o£&n 
great wealth little was landed in Europe, their ^ips being 
wrecked, and the goods therein cast into the sea, with 
which the waves played a little, and then chopped them np 
at a morsel. Whdst the weather, frowning on them, smiled 
on the English, Prince Edward no whit damnified either 
in his men or sliips, with Eleanor his tender consort then 
young with child, safely arrived at Ptolemais, to the great 
solace and comfort of the Christians there being in great 

Chap. XXIX. — Prince Edward's Ferfarmance in Palestine. 
He is dangerous^ wounded, yet recovereth, and retvmeih 
home safe, 

AT his arrival the last stake of the Christians was on 
losing ; for Bendocdar, the mamaluke prince of Egypt 
and Syria, had brought Ptolemais to so low an ebb, that 
they therein resolved (if some unexpected succour reversed 
not their intentions) within three days to resign the city 
unto him. Edward landing stayed this precipitation, who 
arrived with his army there in the very interim, in opportu- 
nity itself, which is the very quintessence of time ; so that 
all concluded his coming (thus hitting the mark) was 
guided by the hand of an especial providence. 

And now those who before in despair would have thrown 
up their cards, hope at least to make a saving game ; and 
the Christians, taking comfort and courage, both defy their 
enemies, and their own thoughts of surrendering the city. 
Prince Edward having sufficiently manned and victualled 
Ptolemais, taking six or seven thousand soldiers, marched 
to Nazareth, which he took, and slew those he found there. 
After this, about midsummer, understanding the Turks 
were gathered together at CaJthow forty miles off, very 
early in the morning he set upon them, slew a thousand, 
and put the rest to flight. 

In these skirmishes he gave evident testimonies of his 
personal valour; yea, in cold blood he would boldly 
challenge any infidel to a duel. To speak truth, this his 
conceived perfection was his greatest imperfection ; for the 
world was abundantly satisfied in the point of his valour, 
yet such was his confidence of his strength, and eagerness 
of honour, that having merited the esteem of a most stout 
man, he would still supererogate ; yea, he would proffer to 

A. D. 1273 THE HOLY WAR. 231 

fight with any mean person, if cried up by the volge for a 
tall man ; this daring being a general fault in great spirits, 
and a great iauit in a general, who staketh a pearl against 
a piece of glass. The best was, in that age a man fighting 
with sword and buckler had in a manner many lives to 
lose ; and duels were not dangerous. 

Whilst he stayed at Ptolemais, Eleanor his lady was 
delivered of a hit daughter, called firom her birthplace 
Joan of Acre ; but fear of her husband's death abated her 
joy at her daughter's birth. The Turks, not matching him 
in valour, thought to master him with treachery, which was 
thus contrived : — The admiral of Joppa, a Turk, pretended 
he would turn Christian, and employed one Anzazim, an 
Assassin, in the business betwixt him and Prince Edward ; 
who carried himself so cunningly, that by often repairing 
to our prince he got much credit and esteem with him. 

Same write ', this Anzazim was before alvrays bred under 
ground (as men keep hawks and war-horses in the dark, to 
make them more fierce), that so coming abroad, he should 
fear to venture on no man. But sure so cunning a compa- 
nion had long conversed with light, and been acquainted 
with men, yea. Christians and princes, as appearetb by his 
complying carriage ; else, if he had not been well read in 
their company, he could not have been so perfect in his 
lesson. But let him be bred any where, or in hell itself; 
for this was his religion, to kill any he was commanded, or 
on the nonperformance willingly to forfeit his life. 

1272.] The fifth time of his coming he brought Prince 
Edward letters from his master, which whilst he was read- 
ing alone and lying on his bed, he struck him into the arm 
with an envenomed knife. Being about to fetch another 
stroke, the prince with his foot gave him such a blow that 
he felled him to the ground, and wresting the knife from 
him, ran the Turk into the belly, and slew him ; yet so, 
that in struggling he hurt himself therewith in the forehead. 
^At this noise in sprang his servants, and one of them with 
a stool beat the brains out of the dead Turk's head, show- 
ing little wit in his own ; and the prince was highly dis- 
pleased, that the monument of his valour should be stained 
with another's cruelty. 

It is storied, how Eleanor his lady sucked all the poison 
out of his wounds^, without doing any harm to herself; so 

* Continaat. Mattb. Paris, in anno 127it, p. 1345. 

* Speed, ia Edward I. 

232 2'HE HISTORY OF a.d. 1272 

sovereign a medicine is a woman's tongae, anointed with 
the virtue of loving affection. Pity it is so pretty a story 
should not be true (with all the miracles in Lovers' Legends), 
and sure he shall get himself no credit, who undertaketh to 
confute a passage so sounding to the honour of the sex ; 
yet can it not stand with what others have written ^y how 
the' physician who was to dress his wounds spake to the 
Lord Edmund and the Lord John Voysey to take away 
Lady Eleanor out of the prince's presence, lest her pity 
should be cruel towards him, in not suffering his sores to 
be searched to the quick. And though she cried out and 
wrung her hands, ^ Madam," said they, '* be contented ; it 
is betteir that one woman should weep a little while, than 
that all the realm of England should lament a great season :" 
and so they conducted her out of the place. And the 
prince, by the benefit of physic, good attendance, and an 
antidote the master of the Templars gave him, showed 
himself on horseback whole and well within fifteen days 

- The admiral of Joppa, hearing of his recovery, utterly 
disavowed that he had any hand in the treachery, as none 
will willingly father unsucceeding villany. True it is, he 
was truly Sorrowfiil, whether because Edward was so bad, 
or no worse wounded, he knoweth that knoweth hearts. 
Some wholly acquit him herein % and conceive this mischief 
proceeded from Simon earl of Montfort's hatred to our 
prince, who bearing him and all his kindred an old grudge 
for doing some conceived wrong to his father (in very deed, 
nothing but justice to a rebel), hired, as they think, this 
Assassin to murder him; as a little before, for the same 
quarrel, he had served fienry son to Richard king of the 
Romans, and our Edward's cousin german, at Viterbo in 
Italy. It is much this Simon living in France should 
contrive this prince's death in Palestine ; but malice hath 
long arms, and can take men off at great distance. Yea, 
this addeth to the cunning of the engineer, to work unseen ; 
and the further from him the blow is given, the less is he 
himself suspected. 

Whosoever plotted, God prevented it, and the Christians 
there would have revenged it, but Edward would hot suffer 
them. In all haste they would have marched and fallen 

on the Turks, had not he dissuaded them', because then 

 - ----- - - - - — .   — ■' • 

» See Fox, MaTtyrol. p. 337. * P. ^mil. D. Ludov. p. 227. 
* CoQtinuRt. Matth. Paris, in anno 1272, p; 1347. 

A. D. 1272 THE HOLY WAR. 233 

many Christians unarmed, and in small companies, were 
gone to visit tbe sepulchre, all whose throats had then pro- 
bably been cut before their return. 

Eighteen months he stayed at Ptolemais, and then came 

back through Italy, without doing any extraordinary matter 

in Palestine. What music can one string make when all 

the rest are broken ? what could Edward do alone, when 

those princes fell back on whom the project most relied ? 

Louis and Charles were the main undertakers; Edward 

entertained but as an adventurer and sharer : and so he 

furnished himself, accordingly, with competent forces to 

succour others, but not to subsist of themselves. But as 

too often, where the principal miscarrieth, the second and 

sureties must lie at the stake to make the debt good ; so in 

their de&ult he valiantly went forward, though having in 

all but thirteen ships and some thousands of men (too 

many for a plain prince to visit with, and too few for a 

great one to war with), and performed what lay within the 

compass of his power. In a word, his coming to Ptolemais, 

and assisting them there, was like a cordial given to a 

dying man, which doth piece out his life (or death rather), 

a few groans and as many gasps the longer. 

By&is time Henry his agea father being dead (his lamp 
not quenched but going out for want of oil), the English 
nobility came as far as the Alps in Savoy to wait on Edward 
in his return. Leave we him then to be attended home by 
them to receive the crown, to which no less his virtues than 
birth entitled him. Since the Conquest he was the first 
king of his name, and the first that settled the law and state 
(deserving the style of England's Justinian ^) and that freed 
this kingdom from the wardship of the peers, showing himself, 
in all his actions after, capable to command not the realm 
only but the whole world. 

Chap. XXX. — Rodolph the Emperor^s Voyage to Palestine 
hindered. The Duke, of Mecklenburg's (Japtiviti/ and 

BEFORE Edward's departure, Hugh king of Jerusalem 
and Cyprus concluded a peace (to our prince's small 
liking ') with the mamaluke sultan of Egypt, to hold only 
in and near Ptolemais ; whereby the Christians had some 
breathing time. But that which now possessed all men's 

^ Sir Robert Cotton, in his Henry III. 
^ Marinus Sanutas» 

234 THE HISTORY OF A.D.12r3 

thoughts and talk in Syria, vms the expectation of Rodolph 
to come thither with a great army; who (after two and 
twenty years* interregnum) was chosen emperor of Ger- 

1273.] This Rodolph was a mean earl of Hapspurg 
(Frederick the last emperor was his godfather* ; who little 
thought, that having so many sons of his own, his godson 
should next succeed him), and lived in a private way. But 
now the empire refusing her rich suitors^ married thi» earl 
without any portion, only for pure love. A preferment 
beyond his expectation, not above his deserts ; for Germany 
had many bigger lights, none brighter. Pope Gregory X. 
would not ratify his election but on this condition, that he 
should in person march with an army to Palestine. And 
though this was but an old policy, to send the emperors far 
away, that so he might command in chief in their absence ; 
yet his holiness did so turn and dress this threadbare plot 
with specious pretences of piety, that it passed for new and 
fresh, especially to those that beheld it at a distance. But 
Kodolpb could not b^ spared out of Germany, being there 
employed in civil discords ; the knees of the Dutch princes 
were too stiff to do him homage, till he softened them by 
degrees. And indeed he was not provided for the holy 
war, and wanted a stock of his own to drive so costly a 
trade, having no paternal lands considerable, no bottom to 
begin on ; ^ough through his thrift and providence he first 
laid the foundation of the Austrian family. 

1275.1 Yet somewhat to answer expectation, he sent 
Henry duke of Mecklenburg with competent forces into 
Palestine ; who, coming to Ptolemais, made many notable 
incursions into the country about Damascus, vnth fire and 
sword destroying all as he went, and carrying thence many 
rich booties; till at last he was circumvented and taken 
prisoner by the mamalukes. Twenty-six years he lived in 
captivity, keeping his conscience free all the v^ile; at last 
the sultan of Egypt (a renegado German, who formerly had 
been engineer to this duke's father) set him at liberty, 
together with Martin his servant ; that he who so long had 
shared of his misery, might also partake of his happiness. 
No sooner had this duke put to sea, but he was again taken 
by pirates, and the sultan, out of pity to this distressed 
prince, and out of scorn that fortune should frustrate and 
defeat his real c<^rtesy, set him free again. At last he 
"S ' 

' Pantal. De iIli>«tT. Germ, part 2, in Vita Rodulphi. 

A.D, 1282 TBE HOLT WAR. 235 

oune «af<B)y borne, and was there welcomed with as much 
wonder as joy ; his subjects copceiWug his return a resur* 
rection, having^ buried him in their thoughts l<nig before. 

Here he found two counterfeits, who pretended themseWes 
to be this duke, and on that title challenged lodging with 
Anastasia his lady 3. But the one of them had a softer 
bedfellow provided him, a pool of water, wherein he was 
frowned ; the other was made a bonfire of, to solemnize 
the joy of the duke's return. 

Chap. XXXI. — Charles King of Jerusalem, His Inientioru 
in Syria stopped by the aict/um Vespers, His Deaths 
and Son's Succession, 

BY this time Charles kii^ of Jerusalem and Sicily had 
made great preparations for the holy war. And to 
make his claim to the kingdom of Jerusalem the stronger, 
he bought also the title of Maria Domlcetla princess of 
Antiocfa, who pretended a right to the same. He sent 
also Roger the count of St. Severine as his viceroy to 
Ptolemais ; where he was honourably received in despite of 
Hugh king of Cyprus, by the especial iavour of Albertine 
Morisine the Venetian consul there. And now his navy 
was reported to be ready, and that by the way he had a 
project upon Michael Padeologus the emperor of Greece : 
when all his intentions were suddenly blasted ; it so hap* 
pening, that on Easter day [1282], as the bell tolled to 
even-song, all the throats of the Frenchmen in Sicily were 
cut in a moment by the natives thereof, and that island won 
by Peter king of Aragon. The grand contriver of this 
massacre was one Jacobus Prochyta a physician, and I dare 
lay he killed more in an hour than he cured all his lifetime. 
Those that condemn the Sicilians herein, cannot excuse 
the French ; such formerly had been their pride, lust, covets 
ousness, and cruelty to the people of that island, putting 
them causelessly to exquisite torture, so that an ordinary 
hanging was counted an extraordinary favour. But the 
secrecy of contriving this slaughter of the French was little 
less than miraculous ; that so many knowing it none shoidd 
discover it ; like cunning dogs, barking in triumph after 
they had bitten, not before, to give any warning. Hence 
grew the proverb of the Sicilian Vespers; though their 
even-song was nothing to the English matins intended in 
the gunpowder-treason. Meantime King Charles was at 

^ Pantal. De. illostr. Germ, part 2, p. 245. 

236 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1284 

Rome, beholding the making of cardinals, when this dole- 
ful news was brought unto him, and struck him to the 
heart. He survived a year or two longer, but dull and 
melancholic, living as it were without life, and died at last, 
having reigned king of Jerusalem twenty years: a prince 
who had tasted of various success ; fortune for a while 
smiling on him, and at last laughine at him. 

1284.] His son Charles succeeded him in the kingdom of 
Naples and in the title of Jerusalem. He was sumamed 
CunctatoTf delayer; not in the same sense as Fabius the 
shield of Rome was so called : he only stayed till oppor- 
tunity was come; our Charles till it was passed. I find 
nothing memorable of him except this, that offended with 
the Templars in Palestine for taking part against him with 
the king of Cyprus, he seized on their lands, and confiscated 
all their goods they had in Naples or any other part of his 
dominions. However, let him have room in the catalogue 
of our kings of Jerusalem. For as high hills near the sea- 
side, though otherwise never so base and barren ground, yet 
will serve to be sea-marks for the direction of mariners ; so 
this Charles, together with Hugh, John, and Henry, kings 
of Cyprus, pretending also to Jerusalem, though we read 
nothing remarkable of them, will become tlie front of a 
page, and serve to divide and distinguish times, and to 
parcel the history the better to our apprehension. As for 
the bare anatomy of their reign (for we find it not fleshed 
with any history), with the dates of their beginnings and 
endings, we shall present it to the reader hereafter in our 

Chap. XXXII. — The Succession of the Mamalvke Princes 
in Egt/pt, Alphir taketh Tripoli and Tyre, The wqfid 
Estate of Ftotemais, 

BUT whilst these titular kings slept, the mamaluke 
princes were vigilant to infest the relics of the 
Christians in Palestine : which prince's succession we will 
adventure to set down ; nor are we discouraged with the 
difficulties which encounter us herein. The hardness in the 
story of the mamalukes proceedeth (as we conceive) from 
one of these causes: — First, the state is not written directly, 
but by reflection; not storied by any constant writer of 
their own, but in snaps and parcels, as the chroniclers of 
neighbouring Christian countries have catched at them. 
Secondly, out of a popular error, their chief captains by 
reason of their large authority pass. for absolute kings. 

A.D. 1289 THE HOLY WAR. 237 

Thirdly, the same king hath many names, and the same 
name by translation in sundry languages is strangely dis- 
guised. However, we will use our best conjectures in 
these uncertainties: and a dim candle is better than no 

Bendocdar or Bandodacar, otherwise Melechdaer, was 
the last Egyptian prince we mentioned : a dangerous man 
to the Christians, but that Abaga the Tartarian took him to 
task, and kept him in continual employment. This Abaga 
had a pretty trick to make cowards valiant, causing them 
that ran away from the battle, ever after to wear women's 
clothes. Bendocdar died at Damascus of a wound he re- 
ceived in Armenia ' ; or, as some say, by cold, in swimming 
over Euphrates. 

Elpis succeeded him, his son* (say some) ; but the mam- 
alukes' laws forbid that, except his extraordinary worth was 
his faculty, and dispensed with him ad succedendum patrL 
But who knoweth not that the eastern tongue speaketh 
nephews and kinsmen to be sons? Some wholly omit him; 
enough to make us suspect that he was only some deputy 
clapped in to stpp up the vacancy till Melechsaites was 

Melechsaites (called by Marinus, Melechmessor) won the 
strong castle of Mergath from the Hospitallers. He much 
loved and was very bountiful to the Carmelites, who lived 
dispersed in Syria : but afterwards he banished them out of 
his country [1285], because they altered their habit, and 
wore white coats at the appointment of Pope Honorius ; the 
Turks being generally enemies to innovations, and loving 
constancy [in old customs. Nor was this any mishap but 
an advantage to the Carmelites, to lose their dwellings in 
Syria, and gain better in Europe, where they planted them- 
selves in the fattest places : so that he who knoweth not to 
' choose good grouna, let him find out a house of the Car- 
melites (a mark that faileth not) for his direction. 

1289.J Alphir was next to Melechsaites, otherwise called- 
Elsi. He, perceiving that now or never was the time finally 
to expel the Christians out of Palestine, whilst the princes 
in Europe were in civil wars, besieged and won Tripoli, 
Sidon, Berytus, and Tyre, beating them down to the 
ground, but suffering the inhabitants on some conditions to 
depart. Nothing now was left but Ptolemais: which 

* Vide Calviflium in anno 1277, et Magdebarg. Cent. 13. 

* Magdebarg. Cent. 13. cap. l6, col. 701. 

238 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1289 

Alphir would Dot presently besiege, lest he should draw the 
Christians in Europe upon him ; but concluded a peace for 
five years with the Venetians, as not willing wholly to exas- 
perate them, by winning all firom them at once, and thinking 
this bitter potion would be better swallowed by them at two 
■everal dmughts. 

Meantime Ptolemais wa9 in a wofiil condition. In it 
were some of all countries ; so that he who had lost his na- 
tion might find it here. Most of them had several courts to 
decide Uieir causes in ; and the plenty of judges caused the 
scarcity of justice, malefoetors appealing to a trial in the 
courts of their own country. It was sufiicient innocency 
ibr any offender in the Venetian court, that he was a Ve- 
netian. Personal acts were intituled national, and made 
the cause of the country. Outrages were every where prac- 
tised, no where punished ; as if to spare divine revenge the 
pains of overtaking them, they would go forth and meet it. 
At the same time, there were in fitters about prosecuting 
their titles to this city, no fewer than the Venetians, Genoans, 
Pisans, Florentines, the kings of Cyprus and Sicily, the 
agents for the kings of France and England, the princes of 
Tripoli and Antioch, the patriarch of Jerusalem, the masters 
of die Templars and Hospitallers, and (whom I should 
have named first) the legate of his holiness, all at once with 
much violence contending about the right of right nothing, 
the title to the kingdom of Jerusalem, and command of this 
city ; like bees, making the greatest humming and buzzing 
in the hive, when now ready to leave it. 

Chap. XXXIII. — Ptolemais besieged^ and taken hy 

Sultan Serapha. 

TTT'ITHIN the city were many voluntaries lately come 
V V over, five hundred whereof were of the pope's 
furnishing. But belike he failed afterwards in his payment 
to them, the golden tide flowing not so fast out as into his 
holiness's coffers. The soldiers being not paid, according 
to their blunt manners, would pay themselves; an(^ 
marching out, pillaged the country contrary to the truce: 
Sultan Serapha (who succeeded Alphir) demanding resti- 
tution, is denied, and his ambassadors ill entreated. 

1290.] Hereupon he sitteth down before the city with six 
hundred thousand men. But we are not bound to believe 
that Alexander's soldiers were so big as their shields speak 
them, which they left in India, nor Asian armies so nu- 
merous as they are reported. Allow Uie Turks' dominions 

A.D. 1290 THE HOLY WAR. 339 

spacious and populous, and that they rather drained than 
chose soldiers ; yet we had best credit the most niggardly 
writers, which make them a hundred and fifty thousand. 
Serapha resolveth to take it, conceiving so convenient a 
purchase could not be over-bought : the place, though not 
great, yet was a mote in the eye of the Turkish empire, and 
therefore pained them. 

Peter Belvise master of the Templars, a valiant captain, 
had the command of the city assigned him by general con- 
sent. He encouraged the Christians to be valiant, not like 
prodigal heirs to lose this city for nothing which cost their 
grandfathers so much blood; at least let them give one 
blaze of valour ere their candle went out. How sliould 
they show their friends their faces, if they showed their foes 
their backs 1 Let them fight it out manfully; that so, if 
forced at last to surrender it, they might rather be pitied 
for want of fortune, than justly blamed for lack of valour. 

And now Ptolemais,being to wrestle her last fall, stripped 
herself of all cumbersome clothes : women, children, aged 
persons, weak folks (all such hindering help, and mouths 
without arms), were sent away ; and twelve thousand re* 
mained, conceived competent to make good the place. 

Serapha marcbeth up furiously ; his men assault the city, 
with open jaws ready to devour it, had not their mouths 
been stopped with the artillery the Christians shot at them. 
Back they were beaten, and many a Turk slain. But 
Serapha was no whit sensible thereof: who willingly would 
lose a thousand men in a morning for a breakfast, double 
so many at a dinner, and continue this costly ordinary for 
some days together; yea, in spite, he would spend an ounce 
of Turkish blood, to draw a drop of Christian. 

In this conflict Peter Belvise was slain with a poisoned 
arrow : a loss above grieving ibr. Many were strong in 
desiring the honour, who were weak to discharge the office. 
But the worst mischief was, the Christians were divided 
amongst themselves, and neglected to defend the city, con^ 
ceiving that though that was taken, yet every particular 
nation could defend itself, having their buildings severally 
fortified : and this dangerous fancy took off their thoughts 
from the public good, and fixed them on their private ends. 
Meantime, the patriarch of Jerusalem, and others (some 
name with them Henry king of Jerusalem and Cyprus), 
more seeking their safety than honour, secretly fled (with 
tlieir bodies after their hearts) out of the city ; and some of 
them, shunning a noble death, fell on a base end, being 

240 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1391 

drowned in tbe sea. Their cowaidlinesi is imputed by some 
antbon to all the rest ; whereas it appeareth on the contrary, 
they most valiantly behaved themselves. 

1391 .1 At lasty the Turks entered the city by undermining 
the walls, and conceived their work now done, when it 
was new begun. For they found Ptolemais not a city 
but a heap ofcities'thrown together; wherein the people of 
every country so fenced themselves in their several forts, 
that they powdered the Turks vrith their shot when they 
entered the streets. It is hardly to be paralleled in any 
siege, that a taken city vras so long before it was taken ; for 
it held out fifty days; and the Knights-hospitallers made 
good their castle for two whole months together*. But, 
alas ! as the several parts of Imecta being cut asunder may 
wriggle and stir for a while, not live long; so these divided 
limbs could not long subsist, and at last most of them were 

Yet was it a bloody victory to the Turks; most of them 
that entered the city being either burned wiUi fire, or killed 
with arrows, or smothered with the &11 of towers, the very 
ruins (as thirsty of revenge) killing those that ruined them. 

Serapha evened all to the ground, and (lest the Christians 
should ever after land here) demolished all buildings ; the 
Turks holding this position, that the best way to be rid of 
such vermin is to shave the hair clean off, and to destroy 
all places wherein they may nestle themselves. 

Some say, he ploughed the ground whereon the city stood, 
and sowed it widi com : but an eyewitness affirmeth% that 
still there remain magnificent ruins, seeming rather wholly 
to consist- of divers conjoined castles, than any way inter- 
mingled with private dwellings. 

No fewer than a hundred thousand Latin Christians (all 
that were left in Syria) fled at this time into Cypms. It is 
strange what is reported, that above five hundred matrons 
and virgins of noble blood, standing upon the shore of 
Ptolemais, and having all their richest jewels with them, 
cried out with lamentable voice, and proffered to any 
mariner that would undertake safely to land them any where, 
all their wealth for his hire, and also that he should choose 
any one of them for his wife. Then a certain mariner came, 
and transporting them all freely, safely landed them in 
Cyprus ; nor by any inquiry could it after be known (when 

1 Lampad. Mellif. Hist, part S, p. 313. 
• Sand. Trav. p. 204. 

A.D. 1391 rim HOLT WAR. 241 

he was sought for to recme bii hire) who this marioer wu, 
DO! whither he went'. 

The Hospitallers for haste weie fain to leace their treasure 
behind them, and hide it in a vault; which, being made 
kaowa from time to time to their successors, was fetched 
from thence by the gallejs of Ualta, about three hundred 
years afterwards*. 

Henry king of Cyprus, 10 his great cost and greater com- 
mendation, gave free entertainment to all pilgrims (hat fled 
hither, till such time as they could be transported to their 
own countries; and thanks was all the shot expected of 
these guests at their departure. 

Thus after a hundred ninety and four yean ended the 
Holy War; lor continuance the longest, formooey spent the 
costliest, for bloodshed the crudest, for pretences the most 
pious, for the true intent the most politic the world ever 
saw. And at this day, the Turks, to spare the Christians 
their pains of coming so long a journey to Palestine, hare 
done them the unwelcome courtesy to come more than half 
the way to give them a meeting. 

' Lsmpad. p. 3ia. * Sand. Tia*. p. 104. 


Chap. I. — I%c Executing of the Templars in France, 

MY task is done. Whatsoever remaineth is voluntary 
and over-measure, only to hem the end of our his- 
tory that it ravel not out : as to show v^hat became of the 
Templars, the Teutonic order, and the Hospitallers ; what 
were the hinderances of this war ; what nation best, deserved 
in it; what offers were afterwards made to recover Jeru- 
salem ; by how many challengers that title at this day is 
claimed ; what is the present strength of Jerusalem ; what 
hope to regain it; with some other passages which offer 
attendance on these principal heads. 

Know then, some nineteen years after the Christians had 
lost all in Palestine, the Templars, by the cruel deed of Pope 
Clement V., and foul £ict of Philip the Fair king of France, 
were finally extflrpated out of all Christendom [ISlOj*. 
The history thereof is but in twilight, not clearly delivered, 
but darkened with many doubts and difficulties : we must 
pick out letters and syllables here and there as well as we 
may ; all which put together spell thus much. 

Pope Clement, having long sojourned in France, had 
received many real courtesies from Philip the king; yea, 
he owed little less than himself to him. At last, Philip 
requested of him a boon, great enough for a king to ask 
and a pope to grant ; namely, all the lands of the Knights 
Templars through France, forfeited by reason of their 
horrible heresies and licentious living. The pope was 
willing to gratify him in some good proportion for his 
favours received (as thankfulness is always the badge of a 
good nature), and therefore being thus long the kiug's guest, 
he gave him the Templars' lands and goods to pay for his 

On a sudden all the Templars in France they clapped into 
prison, wisely catching those lions in a net, which, had 

I - I I , 

> Sabeliicus, Eon. 9, lib. 7. Platina, in Vita Clem. V. 

A.D.1310 THE HOLY WAIL 243 

they Ai^n ^riy bunted to death, would have made their 
part good with all the dogs in France. Damnable sins 
were laid to their charge ; as, sacrificing of men to an idol 
they worshiped, roasting of a Templar's bastard and 
drinking his blood, spitting upon the cross of Christ, 
conspiring with Turks and Saracens against Christianity, 
sodomy, bestiality, with many other villanies out of tlie 
road of human ootruption, and as far from man's nature as 
God's law. 

Well, the Templars thus shut in prison, their crimes 
were half proved. The sole witness against them was one 
of their own order, a notorious malefoctor ; who at the same 
time being in prison and to suffer for his own offences, 
condemned by the master of their order, sought to prove 
his own innocency by charging all his own order to be 
guilty. And his case standing thus, he must either kill or 
be killed, die or put others to death, he would be sure to 
provide water enough to drive the mill, and swore most 
heartily to whatsoever was objected against the order. 
Besides, the Templars, being brou^t upon the rack, con- 
fessed the accusations to be true wherewith they were 
charged. Hereupon all the Templars through France 
were most cruelly burned to death at a stake, with James 
the grand master of their order. 

Chap. II. — Arguments produced on either Side^ both for 
the Innocency and Guiltiness of the Templars. 

THERE is scarce a harder question in later history than 
this : whether the Templars justly or unjustly were 
condemned to suffer. On the one side it is dangerous to 
affirm they were innocent, because cotidemned by the pope, 
infallible in matters of such consequence. This bugbear 
affirighteth many, and maketh their hands shake when they 
write hereof. If they should say the Templars were burned 
wrongfully, they may be fetched over the coals themselves 
for charging his holiness so deeply ; yea, hereby they bring 
so much innocent blood on the pope's head as is enough 
to drown him ; some therefore in this matter know little, 
and dare speak less, for fear of aflerclaps. Secondly, some 
who suspect that one eye of the church may be dim, yet 
hold that both the eyes, the pope and general council 
together, cannot be deceived. 

Now the council of Vienne countenanced the extirpation 
of the Templars, determined the dissolution of their order, 

244 THE HISTORY OF a.d. 1310 

and adjudged their lands to be conferred to the Knights- 
hospitallers. Men ought then to be well advised how they 
condemn a general council to be accessory pott factum to 
the murder of so many men. 

. For. all thils those who dare not hollow do whisper on 
the other side, accounting the Templars not malefactors but 
martyrs: first, because the witness was insufficient, a 
malefactor against his judge; and secondly, they bring 
tortured men against themselves. Yea, there want not 
those that maintain that a confession ettorted on tlie rack 
is of no validity. If they be weak men and unable to 
endure torment, they will speak any things and in this 
case their words are endited not from their heart but out- 
ward limbs that are in pain; and a poor conquest it is, to 
make either the hand of a child to beat or the tongue of 
the tortured man to accuse himself. If they be sturdy and 
stubborn, whose backs are paved against torments, such as 
bring brazen sides against steely whips, they will confess 
nothing. And though these Templars were stout and 
valiant men, yet it is to be commended to one's considera- 
tion, whether -slavish and servile souls will not better bear 
torment, than generous spirits, who are for the enduring of 
honourable danger and speedy death, but not provided for 
torment, which they are not acquainted with, neither is it 
the proper object of valour. 

Again, it is produced in their behalf, that being burned 
at the stake, they denied it at their death, though formerly 
they had confessed it ; and whose charity, if not stark-blind, 
will not be so tender-eyed as to believe that they would not 
breathe out their soul with a lie, and wilfully contract a 
new guilt in that very instant wherein they. were to be 
arraigned before the Judge of heaven. A Templar being 
to be burned at Bourdeaux, and seeing the pope and King 
Philip looking Out at a window, cried unto them, ^^Clement 
thou cruel tyrant, seeing there is no higher amongst mortal 
jnen to whom I should stppeal for my unjust death, I cite 
thee together vrith King Philip to the tribunal of Christ, 
the just Judge who redeemed me, there both to appear 
within one year and a day, where I will lay open my cause, 
and justice shall be done without any by-respect'/' In like 
.manner, James grand master of the Templars, though by 
piecemeal he was tortured to death, craved pardon of God, 
and those of bis order, that forced by extremity of pain on 

* Hospin. De Orig. Mon. cap. 18, p. 193. 

A.D. 1310 THE HOLY WAR. 245 

the rack, and allured with hope of life, he had accused 
them of such damnable sins, whereof they were innocent*.' 

Moreover, the people with their suffrage acquitted them : 
happy was he that could get a handful of their ashes into 
his bosom, as the relic of pious martyrs, to preserve. In- 
deed little heed is to be given to people's humours ; whose 
judgment is nothing but prejudice and passion, and com- 
monly envy all in prosperity^ pity all in adversity, though 
often both undeservedly : and we may believe that the 
beholding of the Templars' torments when they were burned; 
wrought in the people first a commiserating of their per- 
sons, and so by degrees a Justifying of their cause. How- 
ever vuigus non semper erraty aliquando eUgit : and though 
it matters little for the gales of a private man's &ncy, yet 
it is something when the wind bloweth from all corners: 
and true it is, they were generally cried up for innocents. 

Lastly, Pope Clement and King Philip were within the 
time prefixed summoned by death to answer to God for 
,what they had done. And though it is bad to be busy 
with God's secrets, yet an argument drawn from the event; 
especially when it goeth in company with others, as it is 
not much to be depended on, so it is not wholly to be 
neglected. Besides, King Philip missed of his expectation, 
and the morsel fell beside his mouth ; for the lands of the 
Templars, which were first granted to him as a portion for 
his youngest son, were afterwards, by the council of Vienne, 
bestowed on the Knights-hospitallers. 

Chap. III. — A moderate Way what is to be conceived of 
the Suppression of' the Templars. 

BETWIXT the two extremities of those that count these 
Templars either malefactors or martyrs, some find a 
middle way; whose verdict we will parcel into these 
several particulars. 

1. No doubt there were many novices and punies 
amongst them, newly admittied into their order; which, if 
at ally were little guilty; for none can be fledged in wicked- 
ness at their first hatching : to these much mercy belonged : 
the punishing of others might have been an admonition to 
them; and cruelty it was, where there were degrees of 
offences, to inflict the same punishment^ and to put all of 
them to deatli. 
. 2. Surely many of them were most heinous offenders. 

« P. ^mU. in Philippe Pulchro. 

246 THE HISTORY OF a. d. 1310 < 

Not to speak what they deserved from God (who needeth not 
pick a quarrel with man, but always hath a just controversy 
with him), they are accounted notorious transgressors of 
human laws ; yet perchance if the same candle had been 
lighted to search, as much dust and dirt might have been 
found in other orders. 

3. They are conceived in general to be guiltless and 
innocent from those damnable sins wherewifii they were 
charged * ; which heinous offences were laid against them, 
either because men out of modesty and holy horror should 
be ashamed and afraid to dive deep in searching the ground- 
work and bottom of these accusations, but rather take them 
to be true on the credit of the accusers ; or that the world 
might the more easily be induced to believe the crimes 
objected to be true, as conceiving otherwise none would be 
so devilish as to lay such devilish offences to their charge ; 
or lastly, if the crimes were not believed in the total sum, 
yet if credited in some competent portion, the least parti* 
cular should be enough to do the deed, and to make them 
odious in the world. 

4. The chief cause of their ruin was their extraordinary 
wealth : they were feared of many, envied of more, loved 
of none. As Nabotb's vineyard was the chiefest ground 
for his blasphemy, and as, in England, Sir John Cornwall 
Lord Fanhop said merrily, that not he, but his stately 
house at Ampthill in Bedfordshire, was guilty of high 
treason* ; so certainly their wealth was the principal evi- 
dence against them, and cause of their overthrow. It is 
quarrel and cause enough, to bring a sheep that is fat to tiie 
shambles. We may believe King Philip would never have 
took away their lives if he might have took their lands 
without putting them to death ; but the mischief was, he 
could not get the honey unless he burned the bees. 

Some will say, the Hospitallers had great, yea, greater 
revenues, nineteen thousand manors to the Templars' nine 
thousand ; yet none envied their wealth. It is true: but 
then they busied themselves in defending of Christendom^ 
maintaining the island of Rhodes against the Turks, as the 
Teutonic order defended Prussia against the Tartarian ; the 
world therefore never grudged them great wages who did 
good work. These were accounted necessary members of 
Christendom, the Templars esteemed but a superfluous 
-7 > '   

* UrspergeiiB. Paralip. p. S68. AntoniDus, tit. 21, cap. 1, § 3. 

' Camdeu's Brit, in Bedfordshire. 

A.i>. 1311 THE HOLY WAR. 247 

wen ; they lay at rack and manger, and did nothing : who 
bad they betoc^ themselves to any honourable employment, 
to take the Turks to task either in Europe or Asia, their 
happiness had been less repined at, ana their overthrow 
more lamented. And certain it is, that this their idleness 
disposed them for other vices ; as standing waters are most 
subject to putrefy. 

I hear one bird ^ sing a different note from all the rest in 
the wood ; namely, that what specious shows soever were 
pretended, the true cause of their ruin was, that they began 
to desert the pope and adhere to the emperor. If this was 
true, no doubt, they were deeply guilty, and deserved the 
hard measure they suffered. Sure I am, however at this 
time they might turn edge, they had formerly been true 
blades for his holiness. 

All Europe followed the copy that France had set them. 
Here in England King Edward, the second of that name, 
suppressed Sie order, and put them to death ; so by virtue 
of a writ sent from him to Sir John Wogan, lord chief 
justice in Ireland, were they served there ; and such was 
the secrecy of the contrivance of the business, that the 
storm fell upon them before they saw it, and all crannies 
,were so closely stopped that none could steal a glimpse of 
the mischief intended against them. 

1311.] In Germany they found some mercy and milder 
dealing ; for Hugh Wildgrave coming with twenty of his 
order all in armour into a council of Dutch bishops, who 
intended to execute the sentence of the pope upon them, 
there protested his innocency, and appealed to the next 
pope who should succeed Clement, as to his competent 
judge ^. Hereupon their lives were s^red ; only they 
were forced to renounce the name of Templars, and to 
enter themselves into other orders, chiefly ot Hospitallers 
and Teutonics, on whom their lands were bestowed. We 
will conclude all with that resolution of a brace of Spanish 
writers^, who make this epilogue to this woful tragedy: 
Concerning these Templars, whether they were guilty or 
not, let us suspend our censure till the day of judgment; 
and then, and no sooner, shall we certainly be ii]formed 

* Joach. Stephanus, Be Jarisdictione, Hb. 4, cap. 10, § 18* 

* HoBpin. De Orig. Men. cap. 18, p. 19S, 

* Hieronimo Romano, De la . Republica Christ, lib. 7, cap, 
6 ; et Pero Mezya, De la Silva de varia licion, lib, 2| cap. 5. 


Cqap. IV, --Of the Teutonic Order; when they left Pales- 
tinCf and on what Conditions they were entertained in 
Prtusia, Their Order at la»t dissolved, 

FREQUENT n\eDtioo hath been formerly made of the 
Teutonic order, or that of Datch knights, who behaved 
themselves right valiantly clean through the holy war ; and, 
which soundeth much to their honour, they cannot be 
touched either for treason or faction, but were both loyal 
and peaceable in the whole service. 
' But at last they perceived, that by the course of the 
cards they must needs rise losers if they continued the war 
in the Holy Land, and even resolved to abandon it. It 
happened at the same time that Conrad duke of Masovia 
offered them . most honourable conditions ; namely, the 
enjoying of Prussia, on condition they would defend it 
against the infidels who annoyed it. Indeed the fratres 
gladiferi, or sword-bearing brothers, brave slashing lads; 
undertook the task ; but, finding either their arms too weak 
Or swords too blunt to strike through their enemies, they 
employed the aid of and conjoined themselves to this 
Teutonic order. Hereupon, in the year of our Lord 1239, 
Hermannus de Saltza, fourth master of these Dutch knights^ 
came with most of his order into Prussia ; yet so that he 
left a competent number of them still in Palestine, which 
continued and did good service there even to the taking of 

But the greater number of the Dutch knights, in Prussia, 
did knight-service against the Tartarians, and were Christen- 
dom's best bank against the inundations of those barbarous 
people. By their endeavours the Prussians, who before 
were but heathen Christians, were wholly converted ; many 
a brave city builded, specially Marienburg, where formerly 
a great oak stood (who would think so many beautiful 
buildings would spring out of the root of one tree ?) and 
those countries of Prussia and Livonia, which formerly 
were the coarse list, are now become the rich fringe of 

At last the Prussians grew weary of the tyrannous op- 
pression of those Dutch knights (as appeareth by the 
grievances they presented), and appliea themselves to 
Casimire king of Poland. He took to task Louis Erlinfuse 
the master of their order ; and so ordered him, that whereas 
before he pleaded himself to be a free prince of the empire, 
hereafter he should acknowledge the king of Poland for his 


lord aud master. The successors to this Louis fretted 
against this agreement, as prejudicial to them ; they could 
do no less than complain, and could do little more ; for 
the king of Poland, in spite of their resistance, held them to 
their agreements. 

Albert of the house of Brandenburg was the last grand 
master of this order, and first duke of Prussia. He brake 
the vow of their order, losing his virginity to keep his 
chastity, and married Dorothy daughter to the kinz of 
Denmark. The other Teutonics protested against him, 
and chose Gualther Croneberg in his room: yea, Albert 
was proscribed in a diet in Germany, and his goods confis- 
cated, but the proscription never executed, the emperor of 
Germany being the same time employed in matters of 
greater moment which more nearly concerned himself. 
And thus in this Albert, for aught we can find to the 
contrary, the Teutonic order had its end, and was quite 

Chap. V. — The several Flittingsqfthe Knights-hospiiaUerSy 
from Cyprusy by BAodes, JNice, SyracusCy to Malta, 

W£ must now wait on the Hospitallers to their lodg- 
ings, and we have done. We left them driven 
from Ptolemais, and landed at Cyprus ; where King Henry 
courteously entertained them. But a friend's house is no 
home ; hence therefore they were conveyed to their several 
alberges in Europe. 

But such active spirits could not long be idle; such 
running streams would not end in a standing pond. Where- 
fore they used all their own strength, and improved their 
interest with all their benefactors, to furnish out a fleet; 
which done, under Fulk de Vilderet their grand master 
they won the island of Rhodes from the Turks eighteen 
years after Ptolemais was lost, and there seated them- 

Besides Rhodes, they also enjoyed these five adjacent 
islands, saith my author, Nicoria, £piscopia, lolli, Limonia, 
and Sirana; places so small, that consulting with maps 
will not find them out: enough almost to make us think 
with Tertullian of Delos, that once there were such islands, 
which at this day are quite vanished away. 

Two hundred and fourteen years, to the terror of the 
Turks, comfort of the Christians, and their own immortal 
fiirae, they maintained this island, and secured the seas for 
the passage of pilgrims to Jerusalem; till at last in the 


year 1523, after six months' siege, they surreDdered die 
city, to their own honour, and shame of other Qiristians 
who sent them no succour in season. 

Yet changing their place th^ kept their resolution to be 
honourably employed. Hence they sailed to Nice in 
Piedmont, a city lying opposite to Africa, from whence the 
Moors and Saracens much infested Christendom. Where- 
fore Charies duke of Savoy bestowed that city upon them 
to defend it; counting the courtesy rather done to him 
-than by him, that they would accept it. 

Afterwards, they perceived it was more needful to stop 
the Turks' invasions than their pillagings : they had lately 
won Buda, and (as it was thought) would quickly stride 
over the Adriatic Sea, and have at Italy. Wherefore the 
Hospitallers left Nice, and planted themselves at Syracuse 
in Sicily; where they right valiantly behaved themselves 
in defending that country. 

But Charles V., a politic prince, though he saw their 
help was useful, yet desired not much to have them live in 
his own country. He liked their neighbourhood ' better 
than their presence, to have them rather near than in his 
kingdom. Wherefore he appointed them the island of 
Malta to keep for themselves, their grand master only 
paying yearly to the king of Spain a falcon in acknowledg- 
ment they held it from him '. Loath were the Hospitallers 
to leave Sicily, that paradise of pleasure, and went very 
unwillingly from it. 

Malta is an island in the Midland Sea, seated betwixt 
Europe and Africa, as if it meant to escape out of both as 
being in neither. Here St Paul suffered shipwreck, when 
the viper stung him not, but the men did, condemning him 
for a murderer^. And here the Hospitallers seated them- 
selves, and are the bulwark of Christendom to this day, 
giving daily evident proof of their courage. But their 
masterpiece was in the year 1565, when they courageously 
defended the city of Malta besieged by Solyman ; when he 
discharged seventy-eight thousand bullets (some of them 
seven spans in compass) against it, big enough not only to 
overthrow walls but overturn mountains ; yet notwithstand- 
ing they held out valiantly five months, and at last forced 
the Turk to depart. 

These knights of Malta are at this day a good bridle to 

1 Hotpin. De Orig. Men. cap. 17, p. 190. 
' Acts xxviii. 4, 


TfiQis and Algiers. I am informed b^ a good friend' 
(who hath spent much yet lost no time m those parts) that 
these knights are bound by voiK^not to fly from the Turks^ 
though one man or one galley to four (half which odds 
Heieules himself durst not venture on) ; but if there be five 
to one, it is interpreted wisdom, not cowardliness, to make 
away frt>m them : also if a Christian ship wherein there is 
a knight of Malta take a Turkish ship, that knight is bound 
by his order first to go aboard to enter it. The grand 
master of this order hath a great command, and is highly 
esteemed of; insomuch that the author of the Catalogue of 
the Glory of the World ^ believeth be is to take place next 
to absolute kings, above all other temporal princes, even 
above kings subject to the empire. Sure he meaneth, if 
they will give it him ; otherwise it seemeth improper that 
the almsman should take place of his benefactors. Yet 
the lord prior of the Hospitallers in England was chief 
baron of ue realm, and had precedency of all other lords : 
and here his order flourished with great pomp till their 
final period ; which I now come to relate. 

Chap. VI. — The Hospitallers in England stoutly withstand 
three several Assaults, which overthrew all other religioui 

THE suppression of the Hospitallers in England de* 
serveth especial notice, because the manner thereof 
was different from the dissolving of other religious houses ; 
for manfully they stood it out to the last, in despite of 
jseveral assaults. 

1. Cardinal W^lsey, by leave Atom the pope, suppressed 
certain small houses of little value, therewithal to endow 
his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich. He first showed 
religious places were mortal, which hitherto had flourished 
in a seeming eternity. This leading case of Wolsey's did 
pick the mortar out of all the abbey-walls in England, and 
made a breach in their strongest gate-houses, teaching 
covetousness (an apt scholar) a ready way to assault them 
(for it is the dedication, not the value of the thing dedicated, 
stampeth a character of sacredness upon it). And King 
Henry VIII. concluded, if the cardinal might eat up the lean 
convients he himself might feed on the fat ones, without 
danger of a sacrilegious surfeit. True it is, Wolsey not 

' Mr. Gr. Gibs, of St. Perrot, Dorset* 
* Cassanstts, part 9, considerat. 4. 


wholly but in part alienated the lands of these petty houses, 
reserving them still to the general end of pious uses : but 
the king followed this pattern so far as it was for his purpose; 
and neglected the rest. 

2. For not long afiter, the parliament granted him all 
religious houses of and under the value of two hundred 
pounds yearly': and it was thought, that above ten 
thousand persons, masters and servants, lost their liveli- 
hoods ^y the demolishing of them. And for an introduction 
to the suppression of all the residue, he had a strait 
watch set upon them, and the regulars therein tied to a 
strict and punctual observation of their orders without any 
relaxation of the least liberty; insomuch that many did 
quickly unnun and disfriar themselves, whose sides, for- 
merly used to go loose, were soon galled with strait lacing. 

3. Then followed the grand dissolution or judgment-day 
on the world of abbeys remaining; which, of what value 
soever, were seized into the king's hands. The Lord Crom- 
well, one of excellent parts but mean parentage, came from 
the forge to be the hammer to maul all abbeys. Whose 
magnificent ruins may lesson the beholders, that it is not 
the firmness of the stone nor fastness of the mortar maketh 
strong walls, but the integrity of the inhabitants. For in- 
deed foul matters were proved against some of them, as 
sodomy and much uncleanness: whereupon, unwillingly 
willing, they resigned their goods and persons to the king's 
mercy. But the Knights-hospitallers (whose chief mansion 
was at St. John's, nigh London), being gentlemen and soldiers 
of ancient families and high spirits, would not be brought 
to present the king such puling petitions and public recog- 
nitions of their errors as other orders had done. They 
complained it was a false consequence, as far from charity 
as logic, from the induction of some particular delinquents 
to infer the guiltiness of all religious persons. Wherefore 
like stout fellows they opposed any that thought to enrich 
themselves with their ample revenues, and stood on their 
own defence and justification. 

Chap. VII. — Tfie Hospitallers at last got on an Advantage 

and suppressed, 

BUT Barnabas' day itself hath a night; and this long- 
lived order, which in England went over the graves 
of all others, came at last to its own. 

They were suffered to have rope enough, till they had 

» Statut. in 27 Henry VIII. 


haltered themselves in ?ipramtmire : for they still continued 
their obedience to the pope, contrary to their allegiance, 
whose usurped authority was banished out of the land'; 
and so (though their lives otherwise could not be impeached 
for any viciousness) they were brought within the compass 
of the law. The case thus standing, their dear friends per- 
suaded them to submit to the king's mercy, and not to 
capitulate with him on conditions, nor to stop his favour by 
their own obstinacy, but yield whilst as yet terms honest 
and honourable would be freely given them : that such was 
the irresistibleness of the king's spirit, that like a torrent it 
would bear down any thing which stood betwixt him and 
his desires; if his anger were once inflamed, nothing but 
their blood could quench it: let them not flatter themselves 
into their own ruin, by relying on the aid of their friends at 
home, who would not substitute their own necks to save 
theirs from the axe ; nor by hoping for help from foreign 
parts, who could send them no seasonable succour. 
• This counsel, harsh at first, grew tunable in the ears of the 
Hospitallers; so that, contented rather to exchange theii^ 
clothes for worse than to be quite stripped, they resigned 
all into the king's hands. He allowed to Sir William 
Weston, lord prior of the order, an annual pension of one 
thousand pounds : but he received never a penny thereof, 
but died instantly* [May 7, 1540 J, struck to the heart 
when he first heard of the dissolution of his priory : and 
lieth buried in the chancel of Clerkenwell, with the por- 
traiture of a dead man lying on liis shroud, the most arti- 
ficiaHy cut in stone (saith my author') that ever man beheld. 
Others had rent assigned them of two hundred, one hundred, 
eighty, sixty, fifty, twenty, ten poutids, according to their 
several i|ualities and deserts. 

At ^he same time justs and tournaments were held at 
Westminster; wherein the challengers against all comers 
were Sir John Dudley, Sii* "Thomas Seymour, Sir Thomas 
Poinings, Sir Geotge Carew, ktiights ; Antony Kingstone, 
and Richard Cromwell, esquires; to each of whom, for re- 
ward of their valour, the king gave a hundred marks of yearly 
revenues, and a house to dwell in, ta them and their heirs, 
out of the lands belonging to these Hospitallers. And at 
this time many had Danae's happiness, to have golden 
showers rained into their bosoms. 
These abbey-lands, though skittish mares to some, have 

» Parlam. anno 32 Hen. VIH. » Weaver, Men. p. 114. 
3 Idem, p. 430 


given good milk to others : which is produced as an argu- 
ment, that if they prove unsuccessful to any, it is the user's 
defoult, no inherency of a curse in the things themselves. 
But let one keep an exact register of lands, and mark their 
motions, how they ebb and flow betwixt buyers and sellers, 
and surely he will say with the poet, 'Oo^ivo^ oXXck rvx^^ 
And this is most sure ; let land be held in ever so good a 
tenure, it will never be held by an unthrift. 

The Hospitallers' priory church was preserved from 
downpulling all the days of King Henry VIII. : but in the 
thifd year of King Edward VL, with the bell-tower (a 
pieoe of curious workmanship, graven, gilt, and enamelled) 
It was undermined and blown up with gunpowder, and the 
stone employed in building the lord protector's house in the 

Thus as chirurgeons, in cutting off a gangrened leg, 
always cut it off above the joint, even where the flesh is 
whole and sound ; so (belike for fear of further infection) to 
banish monkery for ever, they razed the structures and harm- 
less buildings of priories, which otherwise in themselves 
were void of any offence. They feared if abbeys were only 
left in a swoon, the pope would soon get hot water to recover 
them : to prevent which, they killed them and killed them 
again, overturning the very foundation of the houses, in- 
fringing, altering, and transferring the lands, that they might 
never be reduced to their old property. Some outrages 
were committed in the manner ot these dissolutions : many 
manuscripts, guil^ of no other superstition than red letters 
in the front, were condemned to the fire : and here a prin- 
cipal key of antiquity vras lost, to the great prejudice of 
posterity. But in sudden alterations it is not to be ex- 
pected that all things be done by the square and com- 
pass. ' 

Chap. VIII. — Queen Maiy setteth up the Hospitallers 
again ; they are again deposed by Queen Elizabeth, 

QUEEN Mary (a princess more zealous than politic) 
attempted to restore abbeys to their pristine estate and 
former glory ; and though certain of her counsellors ob^ 
jected, diat the state of her kingdom, and dignity thereof 
and her crown imperial, could not honourably be furnished 
and maintained without the possession of abbey-land ; yet 
she frankly restored, resigned, and confirmed by parliament 

* Stow. 


all ecclesiastical revenues which, by the authority of that 
high court in the days of her father, were annexed to the 
crown, protestin£> she set more by her salvation than by 
ten kingdoms'. 

But the nobility followed not her example: they had 
eaten up the abbeys-lands, and now after twenty years' pos^ 
session digested and turned them into good blood in their 
estates : they were loath therefore to empty theirveins again ; 
and the forwardest Romanist was backward enough in this 
costly piece of devotion. 

However, out of her own liberality, she set up two or 
three bankrupt convents, as Sion and Westminster, and 
gave them stock to trade with. The knights also of St. John 
of Jerusalem she reseated in their place ; and Sir Thomas 
Tresham, of Rushton in Northamptonshire, was the first and 
last lotd prior after their restitution : for their nests were 
plucked down before they were warm in them, by the 
coming in of Queen Elizabeth. 

To conclude : in the founders of religious houses were 
some good intents mixed with superstitious ends ; amongst 
the religious persons themselves, some piety, more looseness 
and laziness ; in the confounders of those houses, some de» 
testation of the vices of friars, more desire of the wealth of 
ftiaries; in God, all just, all righteous, in permitting the 
badness and causing the destruction of these numerous 

Chap. IX. — Observathm on the Holy War, The horrible 

Superstition therein. 

WE have finished the story of the holy war: and now 
I conceive my indentures are cancelled, and I dis- 
charged from the strict service and ties of an historian ; so 
that it may be lawftd for me to take more liberty, and fo 
make some observations on what hath been passed. 

Before I go ftirther, I must deplore the world's loss of 
that worthy work which the Lord Verulam left unfinished, 
concerning the h(^y war ; an excellent piece, and, alas ! it 
is but a piece : so that in a pardonable discontent we may 
almost wish that either it had been more, wholly to have 
satisfied our hunger, or less, not at all to have raised our 
appetite. It was begun not in an historical but in a politic 
way, not reporting the holy war passed with the Turks, but 
) advising how to manage it in the future. And no doubt if 

* Pariam. anno 2 et 3 Phil, et Marias. 


he had per fe ct e d the woik, it would have proved worthy the 
author; hut shioe, any have been deterred from finishing 
the same; as ashamed to add mnd walb and a thatched 
roof to so frur a foundation of hewn and potshed stone. 

From that author we may borrow this distinction, that 
three things are necessary to make an invasive war lawful ; 
the lawfulness of the jurisdiction, the merit of the cause, and 
the orderly and lawiful prosecution of the cause. Let us 
apply to our present purpose in this holy vmr: for the first 
two, whether the jurisdiction the Christians pretended over 
the Turks* dominions was lawful or not ; and, whether this 
war was not only opene but vitit ffretiumy worth the losing 
so many lives ; we refer the reader to what hath been said 
in the first book'. Only it will not be amiss, to add a 
story or two out of an author of good account*. When 
Charles VI. was king of France, the duke of Brabant 
sailed over into Africa with a great array, there to fight 
against the Saracens. The Saracen prince sent a herald 
to know of him the cause of his coming ^ the duke answered, 
it was to revenge the death of Christ the son of God, and 
true prophet^ whom they had unjustly crucified. The 
Saracens sent back their messenger again to demonstrate 
their innocency, how they were not Saracens but Jews 
who put Christ to death, and therefore that the Christians 
(if posterity should be putii^ed for their predecessors' 
fault), should rather revenge themselves on the Jews who 
lived amongst them. 

Another relateth^, that ih Ih^ year of our Lord 1453, the 
great Turk sent a letter to the pope, advertising him how 
he and his Turkish nation were not descended from the 
Jews, but from the Trojans, from whom also the Italians 
derive their pedigree, and so would prove himself akin to 
his holiness. Moreover be added, that it was both his and 
their duty to repair the filhxs of Troy, and to revenge the 
death of their great grandfather Hector upon the Grecians ; 
to which end the Turk sfiiid he had already conquered si 
great part of Greece. As for Christ, he acknowledged him 
to have been a noble prophet, and to have been crucified 
of the Jews, against wnom the Christians might seek their 
remedy. These two stories I thought good to insert, 
because though of later date, and since the holy war in 

* Chap. 9 and 10. 

' Froissard, Hh. 4, cap. 18, 19. 

' Moostrell. lib. 3, cap. 68. 


Pal^tiDe. was .ended, yet they have some reference there- 
unto, because some make that our quarrel to the Turks. ^ 

But grant the Christians' right to the Turks' lands to be 
lawful, and the cause in itself enough deserving to ground 
a war upon ; yet, in the prosecuting and managing thereof, 
many not only venial errors but inexcusable faults were 
committed, no doubt the cause of the ill success. ^ 

To omit the book called the 0£Bce of our Lady, made 
at the beginning of this war, to procure her favourable 
assistance in it (a little manual, but full of blasphemies in 
folio, thrusting her with importunate superstitions into 
God*s throne, and forcing on her the glory of her Maker), 
superstition not only tainted the rind, but rotted the core of 
thifl whole action. Indeed most of the pottage of that age 
tasted of that wild gourd. Yet far be it from us to condemn 
all their works to be dross, because debased and allayed 
with superstitious intents : no doubt there was a mixture of 
much good metal in them, which God the good refiner 
knowedi how to sever, and then will crown and reward. 
But here we must distinguish betwixt those deeds which 
have some superstition in them, and those which in their 
nature are wnolly superstitious, such as tliis voyage of 
people to Palestine was. For what opinion had they of 
themselves herein, who thought that by dying in this war 
they did make Christ amends for his death ? as one saith : 
which if but a rhetorical flourish, yet doth hyperbolize into 
blasphemy. Yea, it was their very judgment, that hereby 
they did both merit and supererogate ; and by dying for 
the cross, cross the score of their own sins and score up 
God for their debtor. Bur this flieth high, and therefore 
we leave it for others to follow. Let us look upon pilgrim- 
ages in general, and we shall find pilgrims wandering not 
so far from their own country as from the judgment of the 
ancient fathers. 

We will leave our army at home, and only bring forth 
our champion : hear what Gregory Nyssen saith ^, who 
lived in the fourth century, in which time voluntary pilgrim- 
ages first began ; though before there were necessary pil- 
grims, forced to wander from their country by persecution. 
Where, saith he, our Lord pronounceth men blessed, he 
reckoneth not going to Jerusalem to be amongst those good 
deeds which direct to happiness. And afterwards, speaking 

* Epist. seu Orat. de iis qui adeunt Hierosol. Edit. Or. Lat. 
Paritii*, 1615. 



of tlie 'going of single women in those kmg travels : A 
woman^ saidb he, canaot go eutih loog journeys without a 
nan to coodttct her; and then whatsoever we may suppose, 
whether she hireth a stsanger or hath a friend to watt on 
hetf on neither side oaa fllie escape reproof, and keep the 
iaw of continency. Moreover, if there were more divine 
grace in the places of Jernsalem, sin would sot be so 
weqnent and customary amongst those that live there : now 
these is no kind of uncleanness which there they dare not 
wmmii; malice, adultery, thefts, idolatry, poisonings, 
envies, and slaughten.' But you will say unto me. If it be 
jiot vworth the pains, why then -did you go to Jerusalem ? 
Iiet them hear ther^oce how I defend myself: I was 9x>- 
fKiinted to go into Arabia to a boly council, held for ^le 
leforming of that church ; and, Arabia being near to Jeru-> 
salem, I promised those that went wi& me, that i would 
go to Jerusalem lo discourse with them who were presi- 
dents of the churches there;' where matters were in a very 
Jtioubled state, and they wanted one to be a mediator in 
their discords. We knew diat Christ was a man born of 
a virgin, before we saw Bethlehem ; we believed his 
resurrection from death, before we saw his sepulchre ; we 
confessed his ascension into heaven, before we saw Mount 
Olivet ; but we got so much profit by our journey, that by 
comparing them we found our own more holy than those 
•ontward things^. Wherefore you that fear God, praise 
him in what place you are. Change of place makeui not 
God nearer unto us : wbetesoever thou art, God wiU come 
to thee, if the inn of thy soul 'be found such as the Lord 
may dwell and walk in thee,&c. 

A patfon of pilgrimages, not able to void the blow yet 
ivilling to break the stroke of so pregnant and plain a 
testimony, thus seeketh to ward it ; that indeed pilgrimages 
are unfitting for women, yet fitting for men. But sure God 
never appointed such means to heighten dovotion necessary 
thereunto, whereof the half of mankind (all women) are by 
•dieir very creation made incapable. 

Secondly, be pleadeth, that it is lawful for secular and 
laymen to go on pilgrimages, but not for friars, who lived 
•recluse in their cells, ovt of which th&^ weve not to borne ; 
.and against such (saith he) is Nyssen'^ speech directed. 
:But then, J pray, what was Peter, the leader of this long 
dance, but a hermit ? and (if I mistake not) his profession 

* Td tffASTipa Twv £(a> iroXt^ ayiwrefM. 


was the rery dangeoQ of the moDastical prison, the strictest 
and severest of all other orders. And though there were 
not 80 many cowls as helmets in this war, yet always waa 
the holy army well stocked with such cattle ; so that on all 
sides it is confessed that the pilgrimages of such persons 
were ntteriy unlawful. 

Cbap. X.— 0/* SupentUion in Miracles in the Holy War^ 

ranked into four Sorts, 

BESIDES superstition inherent in this holy war, there 
was also superstition appendant or annexed thereunto^ 
in that it was the fruitful mother of many feigned miracles* 
Hitherto we have refrained to scatter over our story with 
them; it will not be amiss now to shovel up some of them 
in a heap. 

One Peter (not the Hennit), found out the lance where-* 
with Christ was pierced ' ; and to approve the truth thereof 
against some one who questioned him herein, on Palm 
Sunday, taking the lance in his hand, he walked through a 
mighty fire without any harm ; but it seemeth he was not 
4iis craft's master, for he died soon after. 

An image of our Lady brought from Jerusalem, but set 
up near Damascus, began by degrees to be clothed with 
fleshy and to put forth breasts of flesh, out of which a 
liquor did constantly flow; which liquor the Templars 
carried home to their houses, and distributed it to the 
pilgrims which came to them, that they might report the 
honour thereof through the whole world. 

A sultan of Damascus who had but one eye, chanced to 
lose the other, and so became stark blind ; when coming 
devoutly to this image, though he mus a pagan, having 
ftulh in God, and confidence therein, he perfectly was 
restored to his sight 3. 

Infinite are the shoals of miracles done by Christ's cross 
in Jerusalem; insomuch that my author^ blamed the 
bishop of Aeon, who carried the cross in that battle wherein 
it was lost to the Turks, for wearing a corslet; and there- 
fore (saith he) he was justly slain, because his weak faith 
relied on means, not on the miraculons protection thereof. 

When Conrad landgrave of Thuringia was enrolled in 
the Teutonic order to go to the holy war, and received his 
benediction (as the fashion was), the Holy Ghost visibly 

} M. Paris, in aano 1099. > Idem. 

' Idem. * Boger Hov^«n, in ftpQO 1197. 


descended upon him in the shape of fire'. The said 
Conrad received of God as a boon for bis valour in this 
service, the rare faculty, that by looking on any man be 
could tell whether or no he bad committed a mortal sin, 
yea, at first sight descry their secret sins ^. 

But the last miracle of our Lady in. Palestine is the lady 
of all miracles, which was this: In the year 1291, when 
the Holy Land was finally subdued by the Turks, the 
chamber at Nazareth, wherein the angel Gabriel saluted her 
with joyfiil tidings, was wonderfully transported into Scla- 
vonia^. That country being unworthy of her divine pre- 
sence, it was by the angels carried over into Italy, anno .1294. 
That place also being infested with thieves and pirates, the 
angels removed it to the little village of Loretto ; whei« 
this pilgrim chapel resteth itself at this day, and liketh her 
entertainment so well, it will travel no further. 

But enough ; for fools* meat is unsavoury to the taste of 
the wise. I have transgressed already : two instances had 
been sufficient (as Noah preserved but two of all unclean 
creatures), the rest might be lost without loss, and safely be 
drowned in oblivion. However, we may observe these mil- 
lions of miracles are reducible to one of these four rank»: — 

1. Falsely reported, never so much as seemingly done. 
Asia, the theatre whereon they were acted, is at a great 
distance, and the miracles as far from truth, as the place 
from us. And who knoweth not, when a lie is once set on 
foot, besides the first founders, it meeteth with many 
benefactors, who contribute their charity thereunto ? 

2. Falsely done, insomuch as at this day they are 
sented amongst the Romanists^. Who would not laugh 
to see the picture of a saint weep? Where one devout 
catholic lifteth up his eyes, ten of their wiser, sort wag their 

3. Trulydone, but by the strength of nature. Suppose 
one desperately sick, a piece of the cross is applied to him, 
he recovereth ; is this a miracle ? Nothing less ; how, many 
thousands have made an escape af^er death in a manner 
hath arrested them ? As therefore it is sacrilege to father 
God*s immediate *works on natural causes; so it is supers 
stition, to entitle natural events to be miraculous. 

II ' ' - I _ ., 

* Nauclerus, Gen. 42. * Cbron. Pmten. 
" '7'Spondana«,in anno 129t. 

* Miracula, n jnk ntilitate aut necessitate careabt, de facto 
suepecta sant et rejicieada. — Gersoo. 




' 4. kTany miracles were ascribed to saints which were 
done b) Satan. I know it will -nonplus his power to work 
a true miracle, bat I take the word at large ; and indeed 
.Tulgar (hot to say human) eyes are too dim to discern 
betwixt fhings wonderful and truly miraculous. Now 
Satan, the master juggler, needeth no wires or gins to work 
with, being? all gins himself; so transcendent is the activity 
of a spirit. Nay, may not God give the devil leave to go 
beyond himself? it being just with him, that those who 
will not have truth their king, and willingly obey it, should 
have felsehood their tyrant, to whom their judgment should 
be captivated and enslaved. 

Chap. XI. — The second grand Error in prosecuting the 
. Holy War^ being the Christians notorious breaking their 
Faith with Infidels* 

NEXT unto superstition, which was deeply inlaid in the 
holy war, we may make the Christians' truce-breaking 
with the. infidels the second cause of their ill success. Yet 
never but once did they break promise with the Turks; 
which was (as I may say) a constant and continued faith- 
breaking, never keeping their word. To omit several 
straining of the sinews a!nd unjointing the bones of many a 
solemn peace, we will only instance where the neck thereof 
was clearly broken asunder. 

1. When Godfrey first won Jerusalem, pardon was 
proclaimed to all the Turks who yielded themselves; yet 
three days after, in cold blckxl, they were all, without differ- 
ence of age or sex, put to the sword. 

2. Almerick I. swore, effectually to assist the Saracens 
in driving the Turks out of Egypt ; and soon after invaded 
Egypt, and warred upon the Turks against his promise. 
I know something he pretended herein to defend himself, 
but of no validity; and such plausible and curious witty 
evasions to avoid perjury, are but the tying of a most 
artificial knot in the halter, therewith to strangle one*s own 

. 3. There was a peace concluded for some time betwixt 
King Guy and Saladin; which non obstante, Reinold of 
Castile robbed Saladin's own mother ; whereupon followed 
the miserable overthrow of the Christians, and taking of 

4. Our Richard, at his departure from Palestine, made 
a firm peace for five years with Saladin, and it stood yet 


in force when Henry duke of Saxony, coming with ^^ 
lirmy of new adventurers, ioTaded the Turkish doro*** 

5. Frederick II., emperor, made a truce of t-'**" 
with the sultan of Babylon ; and yet, in despit**'^^* 
Theobald king of Navarre foraged the country of^ ^ 
the just overthrow of him and his army. i 

6. Reinold viceroy of Palestine, in the namcf ^^^^ 
rick the emperor, and after him our Rich?*^.®^ 
Cornwall, drew up a firm peace with the said s^'^*^''^^ 
was instantly disturbed and interrupted by ^urbolfiat 
Templars. - 

r. Lastly, the Venetians, in the name of A Christian 
princes, concluded a five years' peace wif^^\P^^' *^® 
mamaluke prince of Egypt ; yet some volun''^ *° FuAe- 
mais pillaged and robbed many Saracen i^hants about 
the city. But pardon them this last fault, ^ ^i** promise 
they shall never do so any more in Pa<6tine, hereupon 
losing all they had left there. 

And how could safety itself save thi' people, and Ueis 
this project so blackly blasted with/|)erjury? As it is 
observed of tyrants, where one goetjf, ten are sent to the 
grave ; so where one truce conclud«ul with the Turks did 
naturally expire and determine, ma;iy were violendy broken 
off. A sin so repugnant to all moral honesty, so injuriaos 
to the quiet and peace of the world, so odious in itself, so 
scandalous to all men, to dissolve a league when confinned 
by oath (the strongest bond of conscience, the end of 
particular strife, the soldier of public peace, the sole 
assurance of amity betwixt divers nations, made here 
below, but enrolled in his high court whose glorious name 
doth sign it) ; a sin, I say, so heinous that God cannot 
but must severely punish it. David asketh, ** Who shall 
rest upon thy holy hill V* and answeretb himself, ^ He that 
sweareth to his neighbour and disappointeth him not, 
though it were to his own hinderanee *** No wonder then, 
though the Christians had no longer abidance in the holy 
hill of Palestine (thbugh this, I confess, is but the bark of 
the text), driving that trade wherewith none ever thrived, 
the breaking of promises ; wherewith one may for a while 
fairly spread his train, but he will moult his feathers soon 

* Psatm XV. 


• • • 

Chap. XII. — Of the Hinderances of the good Success in the 
Holy War; whereof the Fopes, and Emperors of Greece^ 
were the two principaL 

SO much GonceroiDg those lata prinaipia in this holy 
war, superstition and perjury^ which struck at the root 
of it. Come we now to consider many other hinderancesy 
which abated the good success thereof. Amongst these we 
will not be so heretical as to deny the pope's primacy ; but 
account him the itrst cause of their ill success. Such 
wounds as we find in his credit^ we will neither widen nor 
ckMe up; but even pveaeirt them to the reader as we found* 
them. In fouf respects he baned the Christians' good 
speed in this war.. 

1.. He caused most of ^ir truce-breaking with the^ 
Tmdcs, urging men dtereunto. Thus Pope Celestine drove 
on the Christiana against the Turks, whilst as yet the peace 
our Richard concluded with them was not expired; and 
so many onher times also. For,. alas! this- was nothing with 
his holinesSy who, sitting in. the temple of God, so fiur 
advanceth hims^ above God as to dispense with oaths 
made sacred by the mosl holy and high name of God ; and, 
professiiBg himself the sole umpire and peacemaker of the 
world, doth culi asunder those only sinews which hold peace 

2. In that twice the kingdom of Jerusalem was offered 
to the Christians, md the pope's legates would not sufier 
them to accept it (no doubt, by instructions from their 
master, this being to be presumed on, that those his abso-^ 
lute cieatuies altered not a tittle, but went according to the 
copy that waa set them); once, anno 1319, when Pelagius 
the legate refiused the free offer of Melechsala; and the 
second time, some thirty years after, when the same bouo-t 
ti&il proffer was refused by Odo the pope's legatee for 
when the same Melechsala again offered the free resignation 
of the whole kingdom of Jerusalem, whereby the same day 
great quietness had entered into all Christendom,, with the 
end of mueb bloodshed and misery ; the legate, frontote 
contradieenty would in no wise receive the conditiona 

3. Frederick II., emperor,, was possessed of it ; when 
the pope nK>lested hins, and stirred up. the Templars against 

- ^ M. Paris, p. 1047. — Haic pacis forms ex pap® raandaio 
reballis erat legatas^ et frontose cAOUadiceus, &c.. 


hiniy as so maoy needles to prick him when he was to sit 
down on the throne. 

4. By diverting the plgrims, and over-titling his own 
quarrels to be God^ cause ; nothing being more comfnon 
with him, than to employ diose armies which were levied 
for the holy war, in subduing the Albigenses and many 
others of his private enemies. 

By all these it plainly appearet!), that what lair shows- 
soever his holiness made, calling councils^ appointing le-' 
gates, providing preachers, proclaiming pardons, to advance 
Siis war ; yet, in very deed, he neither intiended nor desiMch 
that the Christians should make -a final conquest of Pales- 
tine, but be employed in continual conquering it. He 
would have this war go on cum decente pmua, fttir and 
softly r let the Christians now beat the Turks, and then 
the Turks beat the Christians; and so let them take their 
turns, whilst his private profit went on. For (as we touched 
before) to this war the pope condemned all dangerous 
persons (especially the emperors of Germany) to be there 
employed. As little children are often sent to school, not 
so much to learn, as to keep them out of harm's way at 
home ; so this careful father sent many of his children to 
the holy war, not for any good be knew they would either 
do or get there, but it would keep them firom worse doing ; 
who otherwise would have been paddling in this puddle, 
raking in that channel, stirring up questions and controver- 
sies unsavoury in the nostrils of his holiness, and perchance 
fiilling into the fire of discord and dissension against their 
own rather. Indeed at last this war ended itself in despite 
of the pope, who no doubt would have driven this web 
(weaving and unweaving it, Penelope-like) much longer if 
he could ; yet he digested more patiently the ending 
thereof, because the net might be taken away when the fish 
was already caught, and the war spared now the German 
emperor's strength thereby was sufiiciently abated in Italy. 

Much also this war increased the intrado of the pope's 
revenues. Some say, purgatory fire heateth bis kitchen; 
they may add, the holy war filled his pot, if not paid for 
all his second course. It is land enough, to have the office 
of collecting the contributions of all Christendom given to 
this war. So much for his great receipts hereby. And as 
for what he expended, not too far in the point. If the pope' 
(saith their law^) thrusteth thousands of souls into hell, 
, • — —J — 

' Diftt. 40. can. — Si papa suae et fratemte salatis Degligens. 


Dooe majp say to him. Why doest thou so ? It is presump- 
tion then to make him answer for' money, who is not ac- 
countable for men. 

With the pope let the emperors of Greece their jealousy 
go, as the seoond bane of the Christians' success in this war. 
These emperors tormented themselves in seeking that they 
would have been loath to find, the treachery of the Latins ; 
and therefore, to begin first, used them with all treachery : 
whereof largely formerly^. And surely, though a cautious 
circumspection be commendable in princes, yet, in such 
over-*fear, they were no less injurious to themselves than to 
the western pilgrims. Yea, generally, suspiciousness is as 
great an enemy to wisdom, as too much credulity ; it doing 
oftentimes as hurtful wrong to friends, as the other doth 
receive wrongful hurt from dissemblers. 

Chap. XIII.— TAe third Hinderance, the Equality of the 
Undertaken; thejourth, the Length of the Journey. 

THE next cause of their ill success was the discord 
arising firom the parity of the princes who undertook 
this voyage. Many of them could abide no equal ; all, no 
superior: so that they had no chief, or rather were all 
chiefs ; the swarm wanted a master-bee, a supreme com- 
mander, who should awe them all into obedience. The 
German emperor (though above all) came but seldom, and 
was not constant amongst them: the king of Jerusalem 
(especially in the declining of the state) was rather slighted 
than feared : the pope's legate usurped a superiority, but 
was never willingly nor generally obeyed. Surely smaller 
forces being united under one command would have been 
more effectual in proof (though not so promising in opinion 
and &me), than these great armies variously compounded 
by associations and leagues, and of the confluence of 
princes otherwise unconcurring in their several courses. 

LivY writing of that great battle (the critical day of the 
world^s empire) betwixt Hannibal and Scipio, It is small, 
saith he', to speak of, yet of much moment in the matter 
itself, that when the armies joined, the shouting of the 
Romans was far more great and terrible, as being all of 
one voice from the same nation; whilst Hannibal's soldiers' 
voices were different and disagreeing, as consisting of 
several languages. If such a toy be considerable, and dif- 

'See Book 2, chap. 9, 37. ^ Lib. 30. 


fering IB tonnes lesMDCth the terriblentas^ » aa amf ; 
how'doth dissentmg ii> he&iti and affiecliMw^bale the faroe 
thereof; and what advantage had the uniled Turks against 
divided Christian princes who fnanagcd this war? Had 
the emulation betwixt tfaose equal princes only been soeh 
as is the spur of virtne, far from enmity and hateful een- 
tention, striving with good deserts to outstrip those who by 
the same means sou^t to attain to the liloe. end ;. had it 
been mixed with love in regard of the affinity of their affec- 
tions and sympathy of their desires, not seeking the min ol 
their competitor, but succouring him^ in danger; then such 
tarndtaiet had been both honourable and useful to the ad- 
vancing of the holy cause: buty on the other sidey^lAMir 
affections were so violent, and dispositions so crooked, Aat 
emulation in them boiled U> hatred, that to malice^ which- 
rested better satisfied with the miserable end of their oppo- 
site partner, than with any trophies deservedly erected tiy 
their own honour. And herein the wars betwixt the 
Venetians and Genoans in Syria are too pregnant an in- 

The length of the journey succeedeth as the fourth im- 
pediment. There needed no other hinderance to this voyage 
than the voyage ; the way vras so long. In sensation, the 
object must not be over-distant from the sense ; otherwise 
Lynceus' eyes may see nothing: so it is requisite in 
warlike adventures, that liie work be not too far from the 
undertakers. Indeed the Romans conquered countries far 
from home : but the lands betwixt them were their own, 
wherein they refreshed themselves ; and well may one lift a 
great weight at arm^s end if he hadi a rest to stay his elbow 
on. So though Spain hath subdued much in the Indies, 
yet there they met with none or naked resistance. It fared 
not thus with (he Christians in this war : by the tedionsness 
of the journey their strength was exhausted ; they ran dregs 
when first they were broached in Syria, and as it were 
scattered their powder in presenting, before they came to 

Frederick Barbarossa wrote a braving letter to Salsidin, 
reckoning up the several nations in Europe under his com- 
mand, and boasting what an army of them he would bring 
into Syria. Saladin answered him, that be also ruled over 
as many peoples, and told hfm, that there was no sea which 
hindered his men from coming quickly together; whereas, 
saith he, you have a great sea, over which with pains and 
danger you must pass before you caa bring your men 


hhher ^. Besidet, if the Christians shaped tbetr jdomey hf 
land, then their miseries in Huagary, ureece, and Asia the 
Less, made their land-jonmey more tedious and troublesome 
than if they had gone by sea. 

Cb4P. XIV. — The fifth Impediments Clergymen being- 


THAT prelates and elergymeo were often generals in 
this action (as Peter the Hermit, Pelagius the Cardinal^ 
and many others) was another cause of their ill snecess ; 
for allow them able in their own way, for matter of learning, 
yet were they insufficient to manage martial affiiirs. Many 
who in England have learned the French tongue, and 
afterwards have gone over into France, have found them- 
selves both deaf and dumb in effect, neither hearing to 
understand, nor speaking to be understood : they, in like 
manner, who frame to themselves in their studies a model 
of leading an array, find it as fiill of errors as rules, when 
it Cometh to be applied ; and a measure cf war taken by 
book ialleth out either too long or too short, when brought 
into die field to be used. 

I have heard a story of a great mapmonger, who nnder- 
took to travel over England by help of his maps, without 
asking the least direction of any he met. Loog^ be had 
not ridden but he met with a mm. pbu uUri, a deep unpass- 
able gullet of water, without bridge, lord, or ferry. This 
water was as unknown to his Camden's or Speed*s maps, 
as to himsdf ; because it was neither body nor branch of 
any constant river or brook (such as only are visible in 
maps), bnt an extempore water, flowing from the snow 
which melted on hills. Worse unexpected accidents sur- 
prise those who conceive themselves to have conned all 
martial maxims out of authors, and warrant their skill in 
war against all events, out of their great reading ; when on 
the sudden some unwonted occurrent taketh them unpro- 
vided, standing amazed till destruction seizeth on them. 

Indeed, sometimes such unlocked for chances arrest 
even the best and most experienced generals, who have 
long been acquainted with i^ar ; nor are they privileged by 
all their experience fiom such casualties, nor are &ey so 
omniscient but that their skill may be posed therewith^ a 
minute showing sometimes what an age hath not seen 
before : but then such aged commanders have this advan- 

— — ^ — -" — ■■—^^ — . — — 

« M. Paris, p^ 197. 


tage, that finding themselves at a fault, they can soonest 
know where to beat about and recover it. 

Add to the inability the incongruity of prelates going to 
fight. True, in defensive wars necessity b their suffideot 
dispensation ; but otherwise it is improper. In the battle 
against Amaleky Joshua fought; Moses prayed ; the Levites 
bare the ark, no office of command in the camp. And 
better it had been that Cardinal Columna had been at his 
)l>eads, or in his bed, or any where else, than in the camp 
in Eg^pt; where by his indiscreet counsel he brought all 
the lives of the Christians into danger. 

Crap. XV. — The sixth Hinderance, the Divertity of the 
Climate dutagreeing with the Bodies of Europe ; and what 
weakeneth twrthem Men going southward, 

NOW followeth the diversity of the climate, . which 
caused the death of many thousands of the Christians, 
sweeping them away with horrible plagues and other diseases. 
For even as men, when they come into a new corporation, 
must pay their fees before they can be freemen thereof and 
set up trading therein; so it always cost the Christians of 
Europe a dangerous sickness at least, before they could be 
well acquaint^ with the air and climate of Palestine. 

Amongst other diseases, the leprosy was one epidemical 
infection which tainted the pilgrims coming thither. This 
(though most rife in our Saviour's time, God so ordering it 
that Judea was sickest while her physician was nearest) at 
this time of the holy war was very dangerous. Hence was 
it brought over into England (never before known in this 
island), and many lazar-houses erected for the relief of 
those infected therewith ; their chief houses were at Burton- 
lazars in Leicestershire. I say not, as this disease began 
with the holy war in England, so- it ended with it: sure 
such hath been God's goodness, that few at this day are 
afflicted therewith ; and the leprosy of leprosy, I mean 
the contagion thereof, in this cold country b much abated. 

Many other sicknesses seized on the pilgrims there, 
especially in summer. The Turks, like salamanders, could 
live in that fiery country, whose scorching our northern 
bodies could not endure. Yea, long before I find it observed 
by Vitruvius, that they who come cold into hot countries 
cannot long subsist, but are dissolved; whilst those that 
change out of hot into cold find not only no dbtemper and 
sickness by the alteration,. but also grow more healthful, 


solid, and compacted ; but this pejt^hance is easilier said 
than maintained. 

But let us not hereupon be disheartened to set on our 
southern foes. for fear to be impaired, nor they invited to 
invade us by hope to be improved. Know, it is not so 
much the climate, as bad ana unwholesome diet enraging 
the climate against us, which unsineweth those northern 
nations when they come into the south; which bad diet, 
though sometimes necessary for want of better food, yet is 
most times voluntary through men's wilful intemperance. 
In the Portugal action, anno 1589, more £nglish owed their 
calenture to the heat of wine than weather. Why do 016" 
English merchants^ bodies iadge well enough in southern 
air? why cannot our valour thrive as well there as our 
profit; but chiefly for this, that merchants are careful of 
themselves, whilst soldiers count it baseness to be thrifty of 
their own healths ? 

Besides, the sins of the south emasculate northern bodies> 
In hot countries the sirens of pleasure sing the sweetest, 
which quickly ravish our ears unused to such music. But 
should we marching southwards observe our health in some 
proportion of temperance, and by degrees habituate our- 
selves to the climate; and should we keep our souls from 
their sins, no doubt the north might pierce the south as far, 
and therein erect as high and long-lasting trophies, as ever 
the south did in the north. 

Nor must it have admittance without examination into a 
judicious breast, what some have observed; that northern 
people never enjoyed any durable settled government in 
the south. Experience avoweth they are more happy in 
speedy conquering than in long enjoying of countries. 

But the first monarch the world ever knew (I mean the 
Assyrian) came from the north ; whence he is so often 
styled in Scripture, The^ing of the North; conquering, 
and ioT many years enjoying, those countries which lie 
betwixt him and the sun ; as Chaldea, Mesopotamia, Bal^ 
Idnia, Syria, Egypt ; to speak nothing of toe Turks, who 
in the dichotomizing of tne world &11 under the northern 
part, and coming out of Seythia at first subdued most 
southern •counties. 


Chap. XVI.-^T^ ietfenth Impediment^ the Viciousness qjf 

the Undtrtakert, 

THUS are we feUen on the next hinderanoe of success 
in this holy war^ the viciousnesi of the undertakers. 
But here first we must make an honourable reservation for 
uway a^ventiures herein, whom we confess most pious and 
raligiotts persons. Let us not raise the opinion of our own 
piety by trampling on our predecessors, as if this age had 
i9oaopolized all goodness to itsel£ Some, no doubt, most 
religious and truly valiant {as fearing nothing but sin), 
engaged themselves in this action ; of whom I could only 
wish» that their zeal herein had either had more light or 
1ei*t heat. But with these, I say not how many, but too 
many, went most wicked people, the causers of the ill 

It will be objected, Sanctitas morum hath been made of 
some a note of the true church, never the sign of a fortunate 
army : iook on all armies generally, we shall find them of 
the. soldier's religion, not troubled with over-much precise* 
neos* As our King John said (whether wittily or wickedly 
\f^ others judge), that the buck be opened was fiu, yet 
never heard mass: so many soldiers have been successful 
without the least smack of piety; some such desperate 
villaifis, that fortune (to erroneous judgments) may seem to 
have fiivoured them for fear. 

True; but we must not consider these adventurers as 
plain and mere soldiers, but as pilgrims and God*s army ; 
iM whom was required, and from whona was expected, more 
p^ety and purity of life and manners than in ordinary men : 
whereas, on the contrary, we shall make it appear, that they 
were more vicious than the common sort of men. Nor do 
we this out of cruelty or wantonness, to wound and mangle 
the memory of the dead ; but to anatomize and open their 
•ulcerous insides, that the dead may teach the living, and 
iesBOB posterity. 

Besides those that went, manv were either driven or fled 
to the Holy Land. T^ose weve ariven, who, having commit- 
•ted fioifke horrib^ sii) ^n 3@|irope, hacj this penance imposed 
on them, to travel to Jerusalem to expiate their .fiuilts'^ 

' Totttm valgus, tam casti quam inceati, adalteri, homicidce, 
perjari, prsedones. — Albertus Aqaensis, Chron. Hierosol. lib. 

1, cap. 2. Besoldus, p. 101, ez Brochardo. — Malefactor de- 

prehensuB, homicida, latro, fur, inceatuosus, adulter, fornicator. 


Many a whore was sent thither to find her virginity ; oiaAv 
a mttidecer was enjoined to fight in the holy war, to wash 
oif the gnilt of Christian blood by shedding blood of Turks. 
The iike was in all other offeaoes; male&ctors were sent 
hither to satisfy for therr former wickedness. Now God 
iathid we should condeoin tfaeos, if truly penitents, for 
impious. May he who speaketh against penitents, never 
have the honour to be one; since Repentance is the 
younger boother to Innocence itself. Bat we find that 
aumy 'of them reverted to their iormer wickedness; they 
lost none *of their old faults, and got many new, mending 
in tbis hot country as sour ale in aiunmer. Others fled 
hither, who having sapererogated the gallows in their own 
countries by their several misdemeanours, theft, rapes, 
incest, murders, to avoid the stroke of justice, protected 
themsdves under this, voyage; and, coming to Palestine, 
so profiled in tkose eastern schools of vices, that they 
ieaxBed to be more artificially wicked. This plainly ap» 
peareth, as in sundry other authors, so chiefly in lyrius^ 
a witness beyond exception, who often complaineth hereoP. 
And if we value testknonies rather by the weight than 
number, we must coedit so grave a man, who wfiteth it 
with grie^ and had no doubt as much water in his eyes as 
•ink in his pen, and surely would be lliankfiil to him that 
herein would prove him a liar. 

•Chap. XVII. — The eighth Hmderanee, the Treachery of 
the Templars, Of Sacf*Uege alleged by Baranius, the 
cause of the Ul Success, 

ROBERT «arl of Artois upbraided the master of the 
Templars, that it was the common speech, that the 
Hdy Land long since had been won, but for the fidse 
collusion of the Templars and Hospitallers with the infidels; 
which words, though proceeding firom passion in him, yet 
from premeditation in others, not made by him but related, 
deserve to be observed the rather, because common reports 
.{iikje smoke, seldom but from some fire, never but from 
much heat) are generally true. It is not to be denied, but 
that both these orders were guilty herein, as appeareth by 
the whole current of the story. Yea, King Almerick &irly 

timet a jvdice condigmm poenam, et tra&flfretat in Tciram 

' EspedaUy ia ithe end of King Almenck's Lif«u 


trussed up tweWe Templars at once, hanging them for 
delivering up an impregnable fort to Syracon'. These, 
like a deceitful chirurgeon, who hath more corruption in 
himself than the sore he dresseth, prolonged the cure for 
their private profit; and this holy war being the trade 
whereby they got their gains, they lengthened it out to the 
utmost; so that their treachery may pass for the eighth 

Baronius concludeth this one principal cause .of the 
Christians' ill success, that the kings of Jerusalem took 
away that city from the patriarchs thereof, herein . commit- 
ting sacrilege^, a sin so heinous that malice itself cannot 
wish an. enemy guilty of a worse. But whether or no this 
was sacrilege, we refer the reader to what hath been largely 
discussed before. 

And here I could wish to be an auditor at the learned 
and impartial arguing of this question, Whether over-great 
donations to the church may not afterwards be revoked? 
On the one side it would be pleaded, who should be judge 
of thex>ver-greatness, seeing too many are so narrow-hearted 
to the church, they count any thing too large for it ; yea, 
some would cut off the flesh of the church's necessary 
maintenance, under pretence to cure her of a tympany of 
superfluities. Besides, it would be alleged, what once 
hath been bestowed on pious uses must ever remain thereto : 
to give a thing and take a thing, is a play too childish for 
children; much less must God be mocked therewith, in 
resuming what hath been conferred upon him. It would 
be argued on the other side, that when kings do perceive 
the church ready to devour the commonwealth by vast and 
unlimited donations unto it, and clergymen grown to sus- 

{>icious greatness, armed with hurtful and dangerous privi- 
eges derogatory to the royalty of princes ; then, then it is 
high time for princes to pare their oyergrown greatness. 
But this high pitch we leave to stronger wings : sure I am 
in another kind, this holy war was guilty of sacrilege, and 
for which it thrived no whit the better ; in that the pope 
exempted six and twenty thousand manors in Europe, 
belon}!:ing to the Templars and Hospitallers, from paying 
any tithes to the priest of the parish ; so that many a 
minister in Englana smarteth at this day for the holy war. 
And if this be not sacrilege, to take away the dowry of the 

"t ' " : ' : 

» Tyriuii, lib. 19, cap. 11. 

' Anaal. Ecdesiast. in anno 1100 etill04. 


church without assuring her any jointure in lieu of it, I 
report myself to any that have not the pearl of prejudice in 
the eye of their judgment. 

Chap* XVIII. — Three grand Faults in the Kingdom of 
Jerusalem, hindering the Strength and Ptassance thereof, 

COME we now to survey the kingdom of Jerusalem in 
itself: we will take it in its vertical point, in the be- 
ginning of Baldwin III., when grown to the best strength 
and beauty ; yet even then had it some faults, whereby it 
was impossible ever long to subsist. 

1 . It lay far from any true friend. On the west it was 
bounded with the Midland Sea, but on all other sides it was 
environed with an ocean of foes, and was a country contin- 
ually besieged with enemies. One being to sell his house, 
amongst other commendations, thereof, proclaimed, that his 
house had a very good neighbour ; a thing indeed consider- 
able in the purchase, and might advance the sale thereof a 
year's value : sure I am, the kingdom of Jerusalem had no 
such conveniency, having bad neighbours round about: 
Cyprus indeed their friend lay within a day's sail; but, alasl 
the kings thereof had their hands full to defend themselves, 
and could scarce spare a finger to help any other. 

2. The kingdom was far extended, but not well com- 
pacted: all the body thereof ran out in arms and legs. 
Besides that ground inhabited formerly by the twelve tribes, 
and properly called the Holy Land, the kingdom of Jeru- 
salem ranged northward over all C<Blosyria, and Cilicia in 
the Lesser Asia : north-eastward, it roved over the princi- 
palities of Antioch and Edessa, even unto Carrae beyond 
Euphrates: eastward, it possessed far beyond Jordan the 
strong fort of Cracci, with a great part of Arabia Petrea : 
southward, it stretched to the entrance of Egypt. But as 

iiie is a strong man, whose joints are well set and knit 
together, not whom nature hath spun out all in length and 
never thickened him, so it is the united and well compacted 
kingdom entire in itself which is strong, not that which 
reacbeth and strideth the farthest. For in the midst of the 
kingdom of Jerusalem lay the kingdom of Damascus, like 
a canker feeding on the breast thereof: and clean through 
the Holy Land, though the Christians had many cities 
sprinkled here and there, the Turks iu other strong holds 
continued mingled amongst them. 

3. Lastly (what we have touched once before), some 
subjects to the kings of Jerusalem, namely, ^die princes of 



Antioch, Edessa, and Tripoli, had too large and absolute 
power and authority ; they would do whatsoever the king 
would command them, if they thought good themselves. 
Now subjects should be adjectives, not able to stand without 
(much less against) their prince, or they will make but bad 
construction otherwise. 

These three hinderances in the kingdom of Jerusalem, 
added to the nine former, will complete a jury. Now if 
any one chance to censure one or two of them, let him not 
triumph, therein; for we produce not these impediments 
severally but jointly, not to fight single duels, but all in an 
army : non noceant quamvU singulajjuncta nocent. 

Chap. XIX. — What is to he conceived of the incredible 
Nunterousness of many Armies mentioned in this Story, 

FREQUENT mention hath been made through this holy 
war of many armies, as well Christian as Turkish, 
whose number of soldiers swell very great; so as it will 
uot be amiss once for all to discuss the point concerning 
the numerousness of armies anciently. And herein we 
branch our opinion into these severals. 

1. Asian armies are generally observed greater than those 
of Europe : there it is but a sucking and infant company to 
have ten thousand; yea, under fifty thousand no number. 
The reason of their multitude is, not that Asia is more 
populous, but more spacious, than Europe. Christendom 
is enclosed into many small kingdoms and free states; 
which severally can send forth no vast numbers, and seldom 
agree so well as to make a joint collection of their forces : 
Asia lieth in common, in large countries, and many of them 
united under one head. Besides, it is probable (especially 
in ancient times, as may be proved out of Scripture) that 
those eastern countries often spend their whole stock of men, 
and employ all their arms-bearing people in their martial 
service, not picking or culling them out, as we in Europe 
use to do. 

2. Modem armies are hr less than those in former ages. 
The war genius of the world is altered nowadays, and 
supplieth number with policy ; the fox*s skin pieceth out 
the lion's hide. Especially armies have been printed in a 
smaller letter since guns came up: one well mounted 
cannon will spare the presence and play the part of a whole 
band in a battle. 

• 3. Armies both of Europe, and chiefly in Asia (as farther 
off), are reported far greater than truth. Even as many old 


men use to set the clock of their age too £aist when once 
past seventy; and, growing ten years in a twelvemonth, are 
presently fourscore, yea, within a year or two after, climb 
up to a hundred : so it is in relating the number of 
soldiers ; if they exceed threescore and ten thousand, then 
ad rotunditaiem numeric they are hoised up to a hundred, 
and then fifty thousand more cast in for advantage. Not to 
speak of the facile mistake in figures; one telleth, at the first 
voyage of pilgrims there went forth six hundred thousand ' ; 
another counteth three hundred thousand slain at the last 
taking of Ptolemais^: their glib pens making no more 
reckoning of men than of pins. We perchance may do 
justly in imitating the unjust steward, setting down in the 
bill of our belief but fifty for every hundred. ' 

Nor is it any paradox, but what will abide the touch, that 
competent forces of able and well-appointed and well-dis- 
ciplined soldiers under an experienced general, are far more 
useful than such an unwieldy multitude. Little loadstoues 
will in proportion attract a greater quantity of steel than 
those which be far greater, because their poles are nearer 
together, and so their virtue more united : so shall we find 
braver achievements by moderate armies, than by such por- 
tentous and extravagant numbers. I never read of any 
miracle done by the statue of St. Christopher in Paris, 
though he be rather of a mountainlike than manlike bigness. 
Yea, such immoderate great armies are subject to great in-> 
conveniences. 1 . They are not so easily manageable ; and 
the commands of their general cool and lose some virtue in 
passing so long a journey through so many. %, It is im- 
probable that so many thousands can be heaped together, 
but the army will be very heterogeneous, patched up of 
different people unsuiting in their manners, which must 
needs occasion much cumbrance. 3. These crowds of sol- 
diers may hinder one another in their service ; as many at 
the same time pressing out at a wicket. 4. Victuals for so 
many mouths will not easily be provided ; the provisions of 
a country serving them but a meal,, they must fast after- 
wards. 5. Lastly, such great numbers (though this, I must 
confess, is only per accident yet often incident) beget care- 
lessness and confidence in them ; as if they would not thank 
God for their victories, but conceive it a due debt owed to 

^ Malmesb. lib. 4, p. 133. — Sezagies (sorely a mistake for 
sexies) centam millia. 

' Lamp. Mellific. Hist. p. 313. 


their multitudes. This hath induced some to the opinioD to 
maintain, that a competent able army of thirty thousand 
(which number Gonzaga, that brave general, did pitch on as 
sufficient and complete) need not fear, upon a parity in all 
other respects, any company whatsoever to come against 
them : such are enough, being as good as a feast, and far 
better than a surfeit. 

Chap. XX. — Of the numberless Christians who lost their 

Lives in this Service, 


XERXES viewing his army, consisting of more than a j 
million, from a high place all at a sight, is said to 
weep at the thought, that within a hundred years all those 
would be mowed down with death : but what man could i 
behold without floods of tears, if presented to him at one 
view, the infinities of people who lost their lives in this 
action ! 

In the first voyage {^1095] went forth (as the most con- 
scionable counters report) three hundred thousand : of these 
we can make the reader but spendthrifts* accounts. All is 
gone ; without showing the particulars. For after the taking 
of Jerusalem, this army was drawn so low, that Godfrey i 
being to fight with Ammiravissus the Egyptian, and bringing 
forth his whole strength, had but twelve hundred horse and 
nine thousand foot left him [1099]* . 

At the second setting forth, of two hundred and fifty i 
thousand led hither by Hugh, brother to the king of France, 
and sundry other bishops, not a thousand <2ame into Pa- 

In the third voyage, Conrad the emperor led forth no ^ 
fewer than two hundred thousand foot and fifty thousand 
horse ; nor was the army of King Louis of France far infe* 
rior : of whom such as returned make tko noise, as not con» 
siderable in number. 

At the fourth setting forth, Frederick Barbarossa counted 
a hundred and fifty thousand soldiers in his army: of 
whom when they came to Ptolemais, no more than eighteen 
hundred armed men remained ^, 

Fifthly, what numbers were carried forth by our Richard 
Ip.and Philip of France, I find not specified ; no doubt they 
did bear proportion to the greatness of the undertakers ; aU 

»  .,11 — ^ — — — — — I r 

' Tyrius, lib. 9, cap. 12. * Ursperg. in Chron. p. 239. 
« P. ^.mil. in Phil. Aug. p. 175. 


i^hich at their return were consumed to a very small com- 

To omit several other intermediate actions of many 
princes^ who went forth with armies and scarce came home 
with families, King Louis carried forth two and thirty 
thousand, of which only six thousand came home, as their 
own writers report, who tell their tale as it may sound best 
for the credit of their country ; whilst others count eighty 
thousand to have lost their lives in that voyage^; yea, 
some reckon no fewer than a hundred thousand common 
men, besides seven counts, to have died in Cyprus of the 

At his second voyage to Tunis, of a hundred and 
twenty ships which lay at anchor at Trape in Sicily, there 
were no more saved than the mariners of only one French 
ship, and the thirteen ships of our Prince Edward ; all the 
rest, with men, armour, and ammunition, did miserably 
perish *• 

But enough of this doleful subject. If young physicians 
with the first fee for their practice are to purchase a new 
churchyard. Pope Urban II. might well have bought some 
ground for graves when he first persuaded this bloody 
project ; whereby he made all Jerusalem Golgotha, a place 
for skulls ; and all the Holy Land, Aceldama, a field of 

Chap. XXI. — The Throne of Deserts : what Nation merited 
most Praise in this War; and first y of the French and 
Dutch Service therein, 

AS in the first book we welcomed each several nation 
when they first entered into this service ; so it is good 
manners now to take our solemn farewell of them at their 
going out, and to examine which of them deserved most 
commendation for their valour in this war. And herein 
methinketh the distinction usual in some colleges, of 
founders, by-founders, and benefactors, may properly take 
place. The founders of this holy war were the French ; 
the by-founders, the Dutch, English, and Italian; the 
bene^tors (according to the different degrees of bounty), 
the Spanish, Polish, Danish, Scots, and all other people of 

* Knolles. Turk. Hist. p. 106. 

^ Magdeburg. Cent. 13, col. 606. 

^ Fox, in Martyrol. in Hen. III. p. 337. 


The French I make the founders for these reasons : First, 
because they began the action first. Secondly, France in 
proportion sent most adventurers. Some voyages weie all 
of French, and all voyages were of some French. Yea, 
Frenchmen were so frequent at Jerusalem, that at this day 
all western Europeans there are called Franks (as I once 
conceived, and perchance not without company in my error), 
because so many Frenchmen came thither in the holy war. 
Since, I am converted from that fidse opinion, having (bund 
that two hundred years before the holy war was dreamed 
ofy namely, in the time of Constantine Porphyrogenetes 
emperor of the east', all western Christians were known to 
the Greeks by the name of Franks ; so that it seemeth the 
Turks borrowed that appellation from the Grecians. Thirdly, 
as France sent the most, so many of most eminent note ; 
she showeth for the game no worse cards than a pair royal 
of kings : Louis the Young, Philip Augustus, and Saint 
Louis; besides Philip the Bold his son, who went half 
way to Tunis. The first and last Christian king of Europe 
that went to Palestine was a Frenchman ; and all the kings 
of Jerusalem, Frederick the emperor only excepted, origi- 
nally were of that nation. Fourthly, even at this day 
France is most loyal to the cause. Most grand masters of 
the Hospitallers have been Frenchmen ; and at this day the 
knights of Malta, who have but four alberges or seminaries 
in all Christendom, have three of them in France^: viz., 
one of France in general, one of Auvergne, and one of 
Provence. Yet France carrieth not the upper hand so 
clearly, but that Germany justleth for it ; especidly if we 
add to it the Low Countries, the best stable of wooden 
horses, and most potent in shipping in that age of any 
country in Europe; which though an amphibion betwixt 
both, yet custom at this day adjudgeth it Dutch. 

Now these are the several accents of honour in the 
German service : first, that country showeth three emperors 
in the holy war ; Conrad, Frederick Babarossa, and Frede- 
rick II. The last of these was solemnly crowned and 
peaceably possessed king of Jerusalem. Secondly, Ger- 
many sent more princes to this war than all Europe besides. 
It would be an infinite task to reckon them all ; it being 
true of the German nobility, what logicians say of a line, 
that it is divisibilis in semper divi$S>iUa, Here honours 

* Vide M. Selden on Polyolbion, p. IdO. 
« Sandys' Travels, p. 229. 



equally descend to sons and daughters ; whereby they have 
counts without counting in the whole empire : there were 
seventeen princes of Hainault, and seven and twenty earls 
of Mansfeid, all living together ; so that one of their own 
countrymen saith, that the Dutch esteem none to be men, 
but only such as are noblemen. We will not take notice 
of Germany, as it is minced into petty principalities, but as 
cut into principal provinces. We find these regnant princes 
(for as for their younger brethren, herein they are not 
accounted) to have been personally present in the holy 
war: — 

Prince Palatine of Rhine, 

Henry 1197 

Duke (or as others. King) of 

Jaboslaus, or La- 

dislaus 1147 

Duke <{f Saxony J 

Henry the younger 1197 
Marquess of Brandenburgy 

Otho 1197 

Archbishops of MentZy 

1 Conrad 

2 Siphred 1197 

Archbishop of TrierSy 

Theodoric 1216 

Archbishop of Colen, 

Theodoric 1216 

Dukes of Austria, 

1 Leopold II. ... 1190 

2 Frederick 1197 

3 Leopold III., 
surnamed the 
Glorious 1216 

Dukes of BavariOy 

1 Guelpho 1101 

2 Henry 1147 

3 Louis 1216 

Landgraves of Thuringiay 

1 Herman 1197 

2 Louis 1227 

Marquess of Moraviay 

Conrad 1197 

Duke of Mecklenburgy 

Henry 1277 

Earls of Flanders, 

1 'Theodoric 1147 

2 Philip 1190 

3 Baldwin 1200 

4 William Dam- 

pier 1250 

5 Guido 1270 

Dukes of Brabant, 

1 Godfrey 1195 

2 HeniT 1227 

Earl of Holland, 

William 1216 

All these (I say not these were all) went themselves, and 
led forth other companies, suitable to their greatness. The 
reader, as he lighteth on more, at his leisure may strike 
them into this catalogue. Thirdly, Germany maintained 
the Teutonic order, wholly consisting of her nation, besides 
Templars and Hospitallers, whereof she had abundance; 
of whose loyal and valiant service we have spoken largely 
before. Lastly, she fought another holy war at the^same 
time against the Tartars and other barbarous people, which 
invaded her on her north-east part And though soro». 


will except, that that war cannot be entitled Holy, because, 
being on the defensive, it was rather of nature and necessity 
than piety ; yet upon examination it will appear, that this 
service was less superstitious, more charitable to Christen- 
dom, and more rational and discreet in itself; it being 
better husbandry to save a whole cloth in Europe, than to 
win a rag in Asia. 

Chap. XXII. — The English and Italian Service compared. 
Of the Spanish^ Polish, Norwegian, Hungarian, Danish^ 
and Swedish Peiformance in this War, 

NEXT in this race of honour follow England and Italy, 
being very even and hard matched. England (it is no 
flattery to affirm what envy cannot deny) spurreth up close 
for the prize ; and though she had a great disadvantage in 
the starting (Italy being much nearer to Palestine), yet she 
quickly recovered it. Our country sent one king (Rich- 
ard I.) and three kings' sons (Robert Courthois, Richard of 
Cornwall, and Prince Edward) to this war. Yea, England 
ard was a daily friend to this action ; and besides these great 
and gross sums of visible adventurers, she dropped and 
cast in privily many a pilgrim of good quality; so that 
there was scarce any remarkable battle or memorable siege 
done through the war wherein there were not some English 
of eminent desert. 

Yet Italy cometh not any whit behind, if the achieve- 
ments of her several states, Venetians, Genoans, Pisans, 
Sicilians, Florentines, were made and moulded up together : 
yea, for sea-service and engineers in this war, they bear the 
bell away from all other nations. But these things allay 
the Italian service: — 1. It was not so abstracted from the 
dregs of mercenariness as that of other countries (whose 
adventurers counted their very work herein sufficient wages), 
but before they would yield their assistance they indented 
and covenanted with die king of Jerusalem to have such 
and such profits, pensions, and privileges in all places they 
took, to them and their posterity ; not as an honorary 
reward freely conferred on them, but in nature of wages 
ex pacto contracted for aforehand : as the Grenoans had in 
Ptolemais, and the Venetians in Tyre. 2. These Italians 
stopped two gaps with one bush ; they were merchant 
pilgrims, and together applied themselves to profit and 
piety'. Here in Tyre they had their banks, and did drive 

* Tyrias, lib. 10, cap. 2!8, et lib. 12, cap. 25. 


a sweet trade of spices and other eastern commodities. 
S. Lastly, as at first they gave good milk, so they kicked 
it down with their heel, and by their mutual discord caused 
the loss of all they helped to gain in Syria. 

Spain was exercised all the time of this war in defending 
herself against the Moors and Saracens in her own bowels ; 
yet such was her charity, that whilst her own house was 
on burning, she threw some buckets of water to quench 
her Deighbour's ; and as other nations cast their superfluity, 
she her widow's mite, into the treasury of this action ; and 
produceth two Theobalds kings of Navarre, and Alphonse 
king of Castile, that undertook expeditions to Palestine. 

Hungary showeth one king, Andrew ; who washed him- 
self in Jordan, and then shrinking in the wetting returned 
presently home again. But this country, though itself did 
go little, yet was much gone through to the holy war 
(being the road to Syria for all land armies), and merited 
well in this action, in giving peaceable passage and courte- 
ous entertainment to pilgrims ; as to Duke Godfrey, and 
Frederick Barbarossa, with all their soldiers as they travelled 
through it. Had the kingsr of Hungary had the sanor^ 
principle of baseness in their souls as the emperors 6i 
Greece, they had had the same cause of jealousy against 
the Christians that passed this way; yet they used them 
most kindly, and disdained all dishonourable suspicions. 
True it is, at the first voyage. King Coloman, not out of 
cruelty but carefulness and necessary security, did use 
his sword against some unruly and disorderly pilgrims; 
but none were there abused which first abused not them<^ 
selves. But, whatever Hungary was iii that age, it is at 
this day Christendom's best land bulwark against the 
Turks ; where this pretty custom is used, that the men wear 
so many feathers as they have killed Turks; which if 
observed elsewhere, either feathers would be less, or valour 
more in fashion. 

Poland could not stir in this war, as lying constant 
perdue of Christendom against the Tartarian ; yet we find 
Boleslaus Crispus duke or king thereof (waiting on, shall I 
say ? or) accompanying Conrad the emperor in his voyage 
to Palestine^; [1147] and, having defrayed all his and his 
army's costs and charges towards Constantinople, he returned 
home, as not to be spared in his own country. But if, by 
King David's statute ^^ the keepers of the baggage are to 

3 Munst. Cosmog. in Polon. . ' 1 Sam. xxx. S4* 


be sbarere in die spoil with the figblen at the battle, then 
surely Poland and sneh other ooontries may entitle them- 
selves to the honour of the war in Palestine ; which in the 
mean time kept home, had an eye to the main chance, and 
defended Europe against foreign invaders. 

Norway (in that age the sprucest of the three kingdoms 
of Scandia, and best tricked up with shipping ; though at 
this day the case is altered with her, and she turned from 
taking to paying of tribute) sent her fleet of tali soldiers to 
Syria ; who, like good fellows, asked nothing for their work 
but their victuals, and valiantly won the city of Sidon for 
4he king of Jerusalem. And it is considerable, that Syria 
(but a step or stride from Italy) was a long race from 
Norway; so that their pilgrims went not only into another 
country, but into another world. 

Denmark was also partner in the foresaid service. Also 
afterwards, Ericus her king, though he went not quite 
through to the Holy Land, yet behaved himself bravely in 
Spain, and there assisted the winning of Lisbon from the 
infidels^. His successor Canute, anno 1189, had provided 
iiiis navy, but was prevented i}y death ; his ships neverthe- 
'tbss came to Syria ^. 

Of Sweden, in this grand jury of nations, I hear no Vous 
avez; but her default of appearance hath been excused 

Chap. WUl.-^Of the Scottish, WeUh, and Irish, their 

several Adventures. 

THERE remain behind the Scottish, Welsh, and Irish. 
It may occasion suspicion, that these nations either 
did neglect or are neglected in this holy war, because clean 
through this history there is no mention of them or their 
achievements. True it is, these countries can boast of no 
king of their own sent to Syria, nor of any great appearing 
service by them alone performed. It seemeth then they 
did not so much play the game themselves, as bet on the 
hands of others : and haply the Scottish service is accounted 
to the French ; the Welsh and Irish, to the English. 

That Scotland was no cipher in this war, plainly appear- 
eth : 1. In that David earl of Huntington, and younger 
brother to William the elder king of Scotland, went along 

* Vide Calvisiam in anno 1145, et Jo. Magnum, Hist. Goth, 
lib. 19, cap. 10. 
^ Baronius, in anno 1189. * Lib. cap. IS. 


wi& our Richard I.'; no dout>t saitably attended with 
soldiers. This David was by a tempest cast into Bgypt, 
taken captive by the Turks, bought by a Venetian, brought 
to Constantinople, there known and redeemed by an English 
merchant, and at last safely arrived at Alectum in Scotland^; 
which Alectum he, in memory and gratitude of his return, 
called Dundee, or Dei donum, God's gift. 2. By the 
plentiful provision which there was made for the Templars 
and Hospitallers, who here enjoyed great privileges ; this 
amongst many others (take the Scottish law in its pure 
naturals). That the master of the knicts of the Temple and 
chief priors of the hospitall of Jerusalem (whawere keepers 
of strangers to the haly grave), sould be receaved themselves 
personally in any suit without entertaining a procuratour 
for tbem^. Nor must we here forget a saint, William a 
Scot, of Perth by birth, by trade a baker, in charity so 
abundant that he gave his tenth loaf to the poor, in zeal so 
fervent that he vowed to visit the Holy Land. But in his 
journey, as he passed through Kent, he was slain by his 
servant, buried at Rochester, afterwards sainted, and showed 
many miracles*. 

Neither may we think, whilst all other nations were at 
this martial school, that Wales the while truanted at home. 
The Welsh, saith my author ', left their forests ; and now 
with them no sport to the hunting of Turks ; especially 
after that Wizo, and Walter his son, had founded the fair 
commandery for Hospitallers at Slebach in Pembrokeshire, 
and endowed it with rich revenues^. 

Ireland also puttetb in for her portion of- honour in this 
service. Indeed, for the first foursc-ore years in the holy 
war, Ireland did little there or in any other country. It 
was divided into many petty kingdoms ; so that her people's 
valour had no progressive motion in length, to make any 
impression in foreign parts, but only moved round in a 
circle at home, their petty reguli spending themselves 
against themselves, till- our Henry II. conquered them all. 
After which time the Irish began to look abroad into 
Palestine : witness many houses for Templars, and the 
stately priory of Kilmainham, nigh Dublin, for Hospitallers ; 
the last lord prior whereof, at the dissolution, was Sir John 

1 Bocban. in GuHelmo Seniore. ^ Hect. Boeth. 

' Third Book of Majest. cap. :i8. 

* Lambert, Peramb. Kent. 

^ W. Malmes. lib. 4, p. 133. ' Camden^ in Pembr. 


Rawson. Yea, we may well think, that all the concert of 
Christendom in this war could have made no music if the 
Irish harp had been wanting. 

Chap. XXIV. — Of the honourable Arms in Scutcheons of 
Nobility occasioned by their Service in the Holy War, 

NOW for a corollary to this story, if we survey the 
scutcheons of the Christian princes and nobility at 
this day, we shall find the arms of many of them pointing 
at the achievements of their predecessors in the holy war. 
. Thus the dukes of Austria bear gules a fesse argent, in 
memory of the valour of Leopold at the siege of Ptolemais ' ; 
whereof before. 

The duke of Savoy beareth gules a cross argent, being 
the cross of St. John of Jerusalem ; because his predecessors 
were special benefactors to that order, and assisted them in 
defending of Rhodes^. 

Queen s College in Cambridge (to which I owe my 
education for my first seven years in that university) giveth 
for parcel of her arms, amongst many other rich coats, the 
cross of Jerusalem ; as being founded by Queen Margaret, 
wife to King Henry VI., and daughter of Renate earl of 
Angiers and titular king of Sicily and Jerusalem. 

The noble and numerous family of the Douglases in 
Scotland (whereof at this day are one marquess, two earls, 
and a viscoant) give in their arms a man's heart, ever since 
Robert Bruce king of Scotland bequeathed his heart to 
James Douglas, to carry it to Jerusalem, which he ac- 
cordingly performed^. 

To instance in particulars were endless; we will only 
sum them up in generals. Emblems of honour borne in 
coats, occasioned by the holy war, are reducible to these 
heads : — 

1 . Scallop shells, which may fitly, for the workmanship 
thereof, be called artificium natura. It seemeth pilgrims 
carried them constantly with them, as Diogenes did his 
dish, to drink. I find an order of knights called equites 
cochleares f wearing belike cockle or scallop-shells, belong- 
ing to them who had done good sea-service, especially in 
the holy war; and many Hollanders (saith my author), 
 ' "  " > III . .. - I I I 

> Pantai. De illustr. Germ, part 3, p. 301. 
' Hospin. De Orig. Mod. cap. 17, p. 190. 
' CamdeD, in his Descript. of Cludisdale« 


for their good service at tb« siege of Damietta, were admitted 
into that order^. ^ 

2. Saracens' heads; it being a maxim in heraldry, that 
it is more honourable to bear the head than any other part 
of the body. They are commonly borne either black or 
bloody. But if Saracens in itheir arms should use Chri^ 
tians' heads, I doubt not but they would show ten to one, 

3. Pilgrims' or palmers* scrips or bags; the arms of 
the worshipful family of the Palmers in Kent'. 

4. Pilgrims' staves, and such like other implements and 
accoutrements belonging unto them. 

. 6, But the chiefest of all is the cross; which though 

borne in arms before, yet was most commonly and generally 

used since the holy war. The plain cross, or St. George's 

cross, I take to be the mother of all the rest; as plain song 

is much senior to any running of division. Now as by 

transposition of a few letters a world of words are made ; 

so by the varying of this cross in form, colour, and metal 

(ringing as it were the changes), are made infinite several 

coats : the cross of Jerusalem or five crosses, most frequently 

used in this war; cross patie, because the ends thereof are 

broad ; Jichce^ whose bottom is sharp, to be fixed in the 

ground ; wavce, which those may justly wear who sailed 

thither through the miseries of the sea, or sea of miseries ; 

fnolinecy because like to the rind of a mill; saltyree, or 

St. Andrew's cross; floria, or garlanded with flowers; 

the cross crossed; besides the divers tricking or dressing, 

as piercing, voiding, fimbriating, ingrailtng, couping ; and 

in fancy and devices there is still a plus ultra, insomuch 

that crosses alone, as they are variously disguised, are 

enough to distinguish all the several families of gentlemen 

in England. 

Exemplary is the coat of George Villiers duke of Buck* 
ingham ; five scallop shells on a plain cross, speaking his 
predecessors* valour in the holy war. For Sir Nicolas de 
Villiers knigh^, followed Edward I. in his wars in the Holy 
Land ; and then and there assumed this his new coat ; for 
formerly he bore sable three cinquefoils argent. This 
Nicolas was the ancestor of the duke of Buckingham, 
lineally descended from the ancient &mily of Villiers in 
^ormandy^ ; than which name none more redoubted in 

* Zuerius Boxhom's Apology for the Holland Shipping. 
'* Gwill. in his Heraldry. 
^ Burton, in Leicestershire* 


this service; for we find John ae Villieis the one and 
twentieth master of the Hospitalers '^ ; and another Philip 
de Villiers master of Rhodes, 'Aider whom it was surren- 
dered to the Turks ; a yielding equal to a conquest. 

Yet should one labour to find a mystery in all armSy 
relating to the quality or deserts of the owners of them 
(like Chrysippus, who troubled himself with great conten* 
tion to find out a stoical assertion of philosophy in every 
fiction of the poets), he would light on a labour in vain. 
For I believe (be it spoken with loyalty to all kings of 
arms, and heralds their.lieutenants in that faculty) that at 
the first, the will of the bearer was the reason of the bear- 
ing^ ; or if at their original of assuming them there were 
some special cause, yet time since hath cancelled it; and 
as, in mythology, the moral hat)i often been made since the 
fable ; so a sympathy betwixt the arms and the bearer hath 
sometimes been of later invention. I deny not but in some 
coats some probable reason may be assigned of bearing 
them ; but it is in vain to dig for mines in every ground, 
because there is lead in Mendip Hills. 

To conclude : as great is the use of arms, so this espe- 
cially, to preserve the memories of the dead. Many a 
dumb monument, which through time or sacrilege hath lost 
its tongue, the epitaph^ yet hath made such signs by the 
scutcheons about it, that antiquaries have understood who 
lay there entombed. 

Chap. XXV. — Some Offers of Christian Princes for Pales^ 
tine since the End ofthe Aoly Wary hy Henry the Fourth 
of England, Charles the Eighth of France^ and James 
the Fourth of Scotland, 

AS after that the body of the sun is set, some shining 
still surviveth in the west, so after this holy war was 
expired, we find some straggling rays and beams of valour 
offering that way; ever and anon the Christian princes 
having a bout with that design. To collect the several 
essays, of- princes glancing on that project, were a task of 
great pains and small profit ; specially,, some of them being 
umbrages and state representations rather than realities, to 
ingratiate princes with thei^subjects, or with the oratory of 
so pious a project to woo money out of people*s purses, 
or thereby to cloak and cover armies levied to other intents; 

"f Hospin. De Orig. Men. in Joau. 

« Dr. Ridley, View of the Civil Law> § 6, p. 100. 



besides, most of these designs were abortive, or aborsive 
rather, like those untimely miscarriages not honoured with 
a soul, or the shape and lineaments of an infant. Yet, to 
save the reader/s longing, we will give him a taste or two ; 
and begin with that of our Henry IV. of England. 

The end of the reign of this our Henry was peaceable 
and prosperous. For though his title was builded on a 
bad foundation, yet it had strong buttresses ; most of the 
nobility favoured and fenced it; and as for the house of 
York, it appeared not ; its best blood as yet ran in feminine 
veins, and therefore was the less active. Now King Henry, 
in the sunshine evening of his life (af\er a stormy day), was 
disposed to walk abroad, and take in some foreign air. He 
pitched his thoughts on the holy war, for to go to Jerasa* 
iem, and began to provide for the same*. One principal 
motive which incited him was, that it was told him he 
should not die till he had heard mass in Jerusalem. But 
this proved not like the revelation told to old Simeon^; 
for King Henry was fain to sing his Nunc dimittis, before 
he expected ; and died in the chamber called Jerusalem in 
Westminster. By comparing this prophecy with one of 
Apollo's oracles, we may conclude them to be brethren 
(they are so alike), and both begotten of the father of lies ; 
for the devil eartheth himself in an homonymy, as a fox in 
the ground ; if he be stopped at one hole, he will get out 
at another. However, the king's purpose deserveth remem* 
hrance and commendation, because really and seriously 

Far better, I believe, than that of Charles VIII. king of 
France ; who, in a braving embassage which he sent to our 
Henry VII., gave htm to understand his resolutions; to 
make reconquest of Naples, but as of a bridge to transport 
his forces into Greece^; and then not to spare blood or 
treasure (if it were to the impairing of his crown and dis* 
peopling of France) till either he had overthrown the 
empire of the Ottomans, or taken it in his way to Paradise ; 
and hence (belike) he would have at Jerusalem, invited (as 
he said) with the former example of our Henry IV. But 
our King Henry VII. (being too good a fencer to mistake 
a flourish for a blow) quickly i^ented his drift (which was 
to persuade our king to peace, lill Charles should perform 
' ' ." ' ' ' ' ' ' "  ' ' ^~^""" ' " ■■"—■—"—»•««»•«»«<» 

* Lord Verulam, ia bis Henry VII. p. 87. 
3 Luke, ii. 26, 

* Lord Verulam, in Henry VII. 


his projects in little Britain and elsewhere), and dealt with 
him accordingly. And as for the gradation of King 
Charles's purposes, Naples, Greece, Jerusalem, a stately 
but difficult ascent (where the stairs are so far asunder, the 
legs must be long to stride them), the French nation was 
weary of climbing the first, and then came down, vaulting 
nimbly into Naples and out of it again. 

More cordial was that of James IV. king of Scotland, 
that pious prince^) who, being touched in conscience for 
his father's death (though he did not cause it, but seemed 
to countenance it with his presence), ever after, in token of 
his contrition, wore an iron chain about his body ; and, to 
expiate his fault, intended a journey into Syria. He pre- 
pared his navy, provided bis soldiers, imparted his project 
to foreign princes, and verily had gone^ if at the first other 
wars, and afterwards sudden death, had not caused his 

Chap. XXVI. --^The fictitious Voyage of Williamy Land- 
grave of Hesse f to Palestine confuted, 

THESE are enough to satisfy, more would cloy. Only 
here I must discover a cheat, and have it pilloried, 
lest it trouble others as it hath done me : the story I find 
in Calvisius, anno 1460 ; take it in his very words : 
'^ William the landgrave appointed a holy voyage to 
Palestine ; chose his conrpany out of many noblemen and 
earls, in number ninety-^ight^ he happily finished his 
journey ; only one of them died in Cyprus. He brought 
back with him six and forty ensigns of horse. Seven 
months were spent in the voyage. — Fab." So far Calvisius, 
avouching this Fab. for his author. Each word a wonder ; 
not to say an impossibility. What? in the year 1460, 
when the deluge of Mahometans had overrun most of 
Greece, Asia, and Syria? William a landgrave (of Hesse, 
no doubt), neither the greatest nor next to the greatest 
prince in Germany^, far from the sea, unfurnished with 
shipping, not within the suspicion of so great a performance 1 
Six and forty horse ensigns taken \ Where ? or from whom ? 
Was it in war, and but one man killed ? A battle so blood- 
less seemeth as truthless ; and the losing but of one man 
savoureth of never a one. But seven months spent ! Such 
achievements beseem rather an apprenticeship of years 
than months. .Besides, was Fame all the while dead, | 

^ Buchamui, Id the Life of James IV. 


speechless, or asleep, that she trumpeted not this action 
abroad? Did only this Fab. take notice of it? be he Faber, 
Fabius, Fabianus, Fabinianus, or what you please. Why 
is it not storied in other writers ? the Dutchmen giving no 
scant measure in such wares, and their chronicles being 
more guilty of remembering trifles than forgetting matters 
of moment. 

Yet the gravity of Calvisius recording it, moveth me 
much on the other side ; a chronologer of such credit, that 
be may take up more belief on his bare word than some 
other on their bond. In this perplexity I wrote to my 
oracle in doubts of this nature, Mr. Joseph Mead, fellow of 
Christ's College in Cambridge, since lately deceased ; hear 
his answer :-— 

« Sib, 

'*I have found your story in Calvisius's posthume 
Chronology, but can hear of it nowhere else. I sought 
Reusner^s Basilica Genealogica, who is wont with the 
name of his princes to note briefly any aift or accident of 
theirs memorable, and sometimes scarce worth it ; but no 
such of this William, landgrave. So in conclusion, I am 
resolved it is a fable out of some romance ; and that your 
author Fab. is nothing but Fabula defectively written. 
But you will say, Why did he put it into his book ? I 
answer, he himself did not, but had noted it into some 
paper put into his Chronology, preparing for a new and 
fuller edition ; which, himself dying before he had digested 
his new edition (as you may see 1 think somewhere in the 
prefiice), those who were trusted with it after his death to 
write it out for the press, foolishly transferred out of such 
pap^r, or perhaps out of the margin, into the text; thinking 
that Tab. nad been some historian, which was nothing but 
that she author Fabula. If this will not satisfy, I know 
not what to say more unto it. Thus with best affection I 


" Joseph Meap.*' 

*' Christ. Coll. June 20, 1638." 

This I thought fit to recite, not for his honour but to 
honour myself, as conceiving it my credit to be graced with 
so learned a man's acquaintance. 

Thus much of offertures. t will conclude with that 
speech of the Laidy Margaret^ CoHintess of Richmond and 



Derby, and mother to our King Henry VII. (a most pious 
woman, as that age went ; though I am not of his iaith 
who believed her to be the next woman in goodness to the 
Virgin Mary) : she used to say, that if the Christian princes 
would undertake a war against the Turks to recover the 
Holy Land, she would be their laundress'. But I belieye 
she performed a work more acceptable in the eyes of God, 
in founding a professor's place in either university^ and in 
building Christ's and St. John's colleges in Cambridge 
(the seminaries of so many great scholars and grave divines), 
than if she had visited either Christ's sepulchre or St John's 
church in Jerusalem. 

Chap. XX VII. — I7te Fortunes of Jerusalem since the 
Holy War; and her present Estate, 

SEVEN years after the Latin Christians were finally ex- 
pelled out of Syria, some hope presented itself of rees* 
tablisning them again. For Casanus the great Tartar prince, 
having of late subdued the Persians, and married the 
daughter of the Armenian king (a lady of great perfection) 
and of a Mahometan become a Christian, at the request of 
his wife he besieged the city Jerusalem*, and took it with- 
out resistance [1298]. The temple of our Saviour he gave 
to the Armenians, Georgians, and other Christians, which 
flocked thick out of Cyprus there to inhabit. But soon after 
his departure it fell back again to the mamalukes of Egypt ; 
who enjoyed it till Selimus the great Turk, anno 1517, 
overthrew the empire of the mamalukes, and seized Jeru- 
salem into his hand: whose successors keep it at this day. 

Jerusalem better acquitteth itself to the ear than to the 
eye ; being no whit beautiful at all. The situation thereof 
is very uneven, rising into hills and sinking into dales ; the 
lively emblem of the fortunes of the place ; sometimes ad- 
vanced with prosperity, sometimes depressed in misery. 
Oncie it was well compacted, and built as a city that is at 
unity in itself ^ ; but now distracted from itself: the suspi- 
cious houses (as if afraid to be infected with more misery 
than they have already, by contiguousness to others) keep 
off at a distance, having many waste places betwixt them ; 
not one fair street in the whole city*. 

It hath a castle, built (as it is thought) by the Pisans, 

' Camden's Remains. 
^ Centuriatores, p. totins opens penult. 
» Psal. cxxii. 3. * Bidulph, p. 117. 


tolerably fortified'. Good guard is kept about the cityy 
and no Christians with weapons suffered to enter. But 
the deepest ditch to defend Jerusalem from the western 
Christians is the remoteness of it ; and the strongest wall 
to fence it is the Turkish empire compassing it round about. 
Poor it must needs be, having no considerable commodity 
to Yent; except a few beads of holy earth, which they pay 
too dear for that have them for the fetching. There is in 
the city a convent of Franciscans, to whom Christians re- 
pair for protection during their remaining in the city. 
The padre guardian appointeth these pilgrims a friar, who 
showeth them all the monuments about the city : scarce a 
great stone, which beareth the brow of reverend antiquity, 
that passeth without a peculiar legend upon it : but every 
vault under ground hath in it a deep mystery indeed. 
Pilgrims must follow the friar with their bodies and belief; 
and take heed how they give tradition the lie, though she 
tell one never 'so boldly. The' survey finished, they must 
pay the guardian both for their victuals and their welcome, 
and gratify his good words and looks ; otherwise if they 
forget it, he vrill be so bold as to remember them. The 
guardian farmeth the sepulchre of the Turk at a yearly rent : 
and the Turks, who reap no benefit by Christ's death, re- 
ceive much profit by his burial ; and not content with their 
yearly rent, squeeze the friars here on all occasions, making 
them pay large sums for little offences.. 

The other subsistence which the friars here have, is from 
the benevolence of the pope and other bountiful benefactors 
in Europe. Nor getteth the padre guardian a little by his 
fees of making knights of the Sepulchre : of which order I 
find, some hundred years since, Sir John Chamond of 
Lancets in Cornwall to have been dubbed knight ^. But I 
believe no good English subject at this day will take that 
honour if offered him ; both because at their creation they 
are to swear loyalty to the pope and king of Spain ^, and 
because honours conferred by foreign potentates are not here 
in England acknowledged, neither in their style nor prece- 
dency,, except given by courtesy : witness that famou^ case 
of the Count Arundel of Wardour, and Queen Elizabeth's 
peremptory resolve, that her sheep should be branded with 
ao stranger's mark, but her own^. 

* Sandys' Travels, p. 15«,. 

• Carew, in his Survey of Cornwall, p. 118. 

7 Bidalph, p. 119. ^ Camden's Elizabeth, i» anno 1596. 


The land aboai it (as authors generally agree) is barren. 
Tet Brochard a monk ', who lived here some two hundred 
years since, commendeth it to be very fruitful. Sure he had 
better eyes, to see more than other men could ; or else by a 
synecdoche he imputeth the fertility of parcels to the whole 
country. But it is as false a consequence, as on the other 
side, to conclude from the baseness of Bagshot-heath the 
barrenness of all the kingdom of England. We may rather 
believe, that, since the &11 of the Jews from God's favour, 
the once supernatural fertility of the land is taken away, and 
the natural strength thereof much abated and impaired. 

Chap. XXVJIL—Whether it be probable that thU Holy 
War will ever hereafter be tet on foot again. 

THUS we state the question : Whether this holy war, I 
mean for the winning of the city of Jerusalem and re- 
covering of Palestine, will probably ever hereafter be pro- 
jected and acted again. We may believe this tragedy came 
off so ill the last acting, that it will not be brought on the 
stage the second time. 

1. The pope will never offer to give motion to it, as 
knowing it unlikely to succeed. Policies of this nature are 
like sleights of hand, to be showed but once ; lest what is 
admired at first be derided afterwards. 

2. Princes are grown more cunning, and will not bite at 
a bait so stale, so often breathed on. The pope's ends in 
this war are now plainly smelt out ; which though pretty 
and pleasing at first, ye;t princes are not now, like the native 
Indians, to be cozened with glass and gaudy toys: the 
loadstone to draw their affection (now out of nonage) must 
present itself necessary, profitable, and probable to be 

3. There is a more needful work nearer hand ; to resist 
the Turks' invasion in Europe. Hark how the Grecians 
call unto us, as once the man in the vision did to St. Paul, 
" Come over into Macedonia, and help us'/' Yea, look on 
the pope's projects of the last edition, and we shall find the 
business of the sepulchre buried in silence, and the holy 
war running in another channel, against the Turks in Chris- 

4. Lastly, who is not sensible with sorrow of the dissen- 
sions (better suiting with my prayers than my pen) where- 
with Christian princes at this aay are rent asunder.? wounds 

* De TeiTS Sancta, part. 2, cap. 1. ' Acts, zvi. 9* 


90 wide tbat only Heaven's chirurgery can heal them : till 
which time no hope of a holy war against the general and 
common foe of our religion. 

. We may safely conclude, that the regaining of Jerusalem 
and the Holy Land from the Turks, may better be placed 
amongst our desires than our hopes ; as improbable ever to 
come to pass : except the Platonic year, turaing the wheel 
of all actions round about, bring the spoke of this holy war 
back again. ^ 

Chap. XXIX. — Of the many Pretenders, of Titles to the 

Kingdom of Jerusalem, 

NO kingdom in the world is challenged at this day by 
such an army of kings as this of Jevusalem : it is 
sooner told what princes of Europe do not than what do 
lay claim to it; they be so many. Take their names as I 
find them in the catalogue of Stephen a Cypriot. 

15. The dukes of Lorraine. 

16. Louis the Eleventh, king 
of France. 

17. The dukes of Bourbon. 

18. The dukes of Savoy. 

1 9. James de Lusigna, base 
son to the king of 

20. Charles de Lusigna, son 
to the prince of Ga- 

21. The state of Genoa. 

22. The marquess of Mont^ 

23. The count of la Val. 

24. The archduke of Nice. 

25. The sultan of Egypt. 

26. The emperor of the 

1 . The emperors of the east. 

2. The patriarchs of Jeru- 

3. The Lusignans, kings of 

4. Hemfred prince of Tho- 

5. Conrad de la Rame 
marquess of Mont- 

6. The kings of England. 

7. His holiness. 

8. The kings of Naples. 

9. The princes of Antioch. 

10. The counts of Brienne. 

1 1 . The kings of Armenia. 

12. The kings of Hungary 

13. The kings of Aragon. 

14. The dukes of Anjou. 

It seemeth, by the naming of Louis XI. and James the 
bastard of Cyprus, that this list was taken about the year 
1466. And now how would a herald sweat with scouring 
over these time-rusty titles, to show whence these princes 
derived their several claims, and in whom the right resteth 
at this day ! And when his work is done, who should pay 
him his wages ? 

My clew of thread is not strong enough, on the guidance 


thereof for me to venture into this labyrinth of pedigrees ; 
we will content ourselves with these general observations : 

1. It seemeth this catalogue oontaineth as well those who 
had jus in regno as those who had jus ad regnum : as 
namely, the prince of Thorone, and patriarchs of Jerusalem , 
and state or Genoa; whose ambition surely soared not so 
high as to claim the kingdom of Jerusalem, but Tather 
perched itself upon some lands and signories challenged 

2. A small matter will serve to entitle a prince to a 
titular kingdom: in this case, kings can better digest 
corrivals where they be many, and all challenge what is 
worth nothing. In this catalogue it seemeth some only entitle 
themselves out of good fellowship and love of good com- 
pany : these like squirrels recover themselves, and climb 
up to a claim on the least bough, twig, yea leaf, of a right. 
Thus the counts of Brienne in France (if any still remain of 
that house) gave away their cake and kept it still ; in that 
John Bren parted with his right to this kingdom, in match 
with lole his daughter to Frederick the second emperor, 
and yet the earls of his family pretend still to Jerusalem. 

3. We may believe, that by matches and under-matches 
some of these titles may reside in private gentlemen ; espe- 
cially in France : and what wonder? seeing within fourteen 
generations, the royal blood of the kings of Judah ran in 
the veins of plain Joseph a painful carpenter*. 

4. At this day some of those titles are finally extinct : as 
that of the emperors of the east, conquered by the Ottoman 
family : their imperial eagle was so far from beholding the 
sun, that the half-moon dazzled, yea, quite put out his eyes. 
Rank in the same form the kings of Armenia and sultans of 

5. Some of these titles are translated: that of the Lu- 
signans, kings of Cyprus, probably passed with that island 
to the state of Venice; the claim of the Hungarian kings 
seemeth at this day to remain in the German emperor. 

6. Some united : the claim of the archdukes of Nice (a 
style I meet not with elsewhere), twisted with that of the 
duke of Savoy ; the kings of Naples and Aragon, now joined 
in the king of Spain. 

7* Of those which are extant at this day, England's ap- 
peareth first ; our Richard receiving it in exchange of King 
Guy for the island of Cyprus. Guy's resignation was vo- i 

' Matth. i. 16. 


limtary and public ; the world was witness to it : he truly 
received a valuable consideration, which bis heirs long 
peaceably enjoyed; and our English kings styled them- 
selves kings of Jerusalem ^, till afterwards they disused it 
for reasons best known to themselves 3. Our poet Harding, 
in a paper he presented to King Henry VI. cleareth another 
double title of our kings thereunto : and because some 
palates love the mouldy best, and place the goodness of old 
verses in the badness of them, take them as they fell from 
his pen : — 

To Jerusalem, I say, ye have great right 
From Erie Geffray that hight Plantagenet, 
Of Aungeoy erle, a prince of passing might, 
The eldest sonne of Fouke, and first beget, 
King of Jerusalem by his wife dewly set; 
Whose sonne GefTray foresaid gat on his wi^ 
Henry the Second, that was known full rife. 

Yet have ye more, from Bawldwyne Paralyticus 
King afterward, to the same King Henry 
The crown sent and his banner pretious. 
As very heire of whole auncestrie 
Descent of bloud by title lineally 

From Godfray Boleyn, and Robert Curthose, 

That kings were thereof and chose. 

8. Then cometh forth the pope's title ; who claimeth it 
many ways: either because he was the first and chiefest 
mover and advancer of this war, lord paramount of this 
action, and all the pilgrims no better than his servants ; and 
then according to the rule in civil law, Quodcunque per «er- 
vum acqmritur^ id Domino acguiritur suo^: or else he 
challengeth it from John Bren, who subjected that kingdom 
to the see of Rome ' ; and yet the said John used the style 
of Jerusalem all the days of his life, and also gave it away 
in match with his daughter : or else he deriveth it as forfeited 
to him by the Emperor Frederick II. and his sons, for taking 
arms against the church. But what need these far-abouts ? 
They go the shortest cut, who accounting the pope God's 
lieutenant on earth (though by a commission of his own 
penning) give him a temporal power (especially in ordine ad 
fpiritualia) over all the kingdoms of the world. 

3 Sabellicus, EDoead. 9, lib. 5, p. 378. 

3 In his Proeme, p. 5. * Institut. lib. 1. tit. 8. $. 1.' 

5 KnoUes, Hist. Turk. p. US. 


The original right of Jerusalem he still keepeth in him- 
self, yet hath successively gratified many princes with a 
title derived from him : nor shineth his candle the dimmer 
by lighting of others. First he bestowed his title on Charles 
of Anjou, king of Sicily (from which root spring the many- 
branched French competitors) and since hath conferred the 
same on the house of Aragon, or king of Spain. Which 
king alone weareth it in his style at this day, and maketh 
continual war with the Turk, who detaineth Jerusalem 
from him: yea, all west Christendom oweth her quiet 
sleep to his constant waking, who with his galleys muzzleth 
the mouth of Tunis and Algiers. Yea, God in his provi- 
dence hath so ordered it, that the dominions of Catholic 
princes (as they term them) are the case and cover on the 
east and south to keep and fence the protestant countries. 

The quit-rent which the king of Spain payeth yearly to 
the pope for the kingdoms of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily , 
is four thousand crowns, sent to his holiness upon a hack- 
ney^; who grudgeth his tenant so great a pennyworth; 
yet cannot help himself, except he would follow the friar's 
advice, to send home the Spanish hackney with a great 
horse after him. What credit there is to be given to that 
thorough old (if not doting) prophecy, that a Spaniard 
shall one day recover Jerusalem 7, we leave to the censure 
of others ; and meantime we will conclude more serious 
matters with this pleasant passage : — 

When the late wars in the days of Queen Elizabeth 
were hot between England and Spain ^, there were com- 
missioners on both sides appointed to treat of peace ; they 
met at a town of the French king's; and first it was debated^ 
what tongue the negotiation should be bandied in. A 
Spaniard, thinking to give the English commissioners a 
shrewd gird, proposed the French tongue as most fit, it 
being a language which the Spaniards were well skilled 
in ; '' and for these gentlemen of England, I suppose (said 
he) that they cannot be ignorant of the language of their 
fellow subjects ; their queen is queen of France as well as 
England. '^ " Nay, in faith, masters (replied Doctor Dale, 
the master of requests) the French tongue is too vulgar for 
a business of this secrecy and importance, especially in a 
French town ; we will rather treat in Hebrew the language 

. « Sir Edwin Sandys* View of the We8t Worid, p. 137. 
■^ Centurifttores, Cent. 13, cap. 16, col. 69f . 
® Heylin, Microcos. in Palestine. 


of Jerasalem, whereof your master is king ; I suppose you 
are herein as well skilled as we in French/' 

At this day the Turk hath eleven points of the law in 
Jerusalem, I mean possession; and which is more, pre- 
scription of a hundred and twenty years, if you date it 
from the time it came into the Ottoman family; hut far 
more, if you compute it from such time as the mamaluke 
Turks have enjoyed it. Yea, likely they are to keep it, 
being good at hold fast, and who will as soon lose their 
teeth as let go their prey. With the description of the 
greatness of which empire will we (God willing) now close 
this history. 

Chap. XXX. — Of the Greatness, Strengthy Wealth, and 
Wants, of the Turkish Empire; what Hopes of the 
approadiing Ruin thereof, 

THE Turkish empire is the greatest and best compacted 
(not excepting the Roman itself in the height thereof) 
that the sun ever saw. Take sea and land together (as 
bones and flesh make up one body) and from Buda in the 
west to Taurus in the east, it stretcheth about three thou- 
sand miles; little less is the extent thereof north and south. 
It lieth in the heart of the world, like a bold champion 
bidding defiance to all his borderers, commanding the 
most fruitful countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa; only 
America (not more happy in her rich mines than in her 
remoteness), lieth free from the reach thereof. 

Populous it is not ; for men will never grow thick where 
meat groweth thin : it lieth waste, according to the old 
proverb. Grass springeth not where the grand signior's 
horse setteth his foot. Besides, a third part (I may say 
half) of those in Turkey are not Turks, but either Jews or 

The strength of this empire consisteth either in bones or 
stones, men or munition. Of the first, the best stake in 
the Turk's hedge is his great number of horsemen called 
timariots, conceived to exceed seven hundred thousand 
fighting men ' : these are dispersed over all his dominions, 
and have lands allotted unto them in reward of their good 
service and valour, much in the nature of those soldiers of 
the Romish empire called beneficiarii. And indeed the 
Turkish empire resembleth the Roman in many particulars ; 

^ Knolles, in his descrip. of the greatness of the Turkish 


not that they ever studied imitation, and by reading of 
history coafbrmed their state to Roman precedents (hr be 
it from' us to wrong them with the false imputation of so 
much learning), but rather casually they have met in some 
common principles of policy. Of these timariots, od 
occasion and competent warning, he can bring into the 
field a hundred and fifty thousand, all bound by the tenure 
of their lands to arm, clothe, feed, pay themselves ; so 
great an army, which would drain the wealth of other 
princes, doth cost the Great Turk no drop of expense. 

Next follow his best footmen, called janizaries, taken 
young from their Christian parents (parallel to the Roman 
pretorian soldiers), being the guard of the grand signior's 
person. But as they watch about him, so he casteth a 
watchful eye on them ; seeing of late they are grown from 
painful to be proud, yea, insolent and intolerable ; it being 
true of these janizaries in the Turkish empire, as of 
elephants in an army ; if well ruled, they alone are enough 
to win the battle ; if unruly, they alone are enough to lose 
it. As for all other sorts of the Turks, both foot and 
horse, they are but slugs; as whom the grand signior 
little trusteth, and others need less fear. 

His frontier cities, especially those which respect Chris- 
tendom, are exactly fortified. Rank with these such places 
of importance and castles as command passages of conse- 
quence. As for his inland cities, there is no superfluous, 
scarce competent strength in them. But if we allow those 
people to be chaste who never were solicited to be other- 
wise, tnen may many cities lying in the bowels of his 
empire pass for strong, which for a long time have not had 
nor in haste are likely to have the temptation of a siege. 

Of ordnance he hath great store, and hath excellent 
materials to make them of; and is also very powerful in 
shipping. Indeed ships of great burden would be burden- 
some in those narrow seas, and experience hath . found 
lesser vessels of greater use, whereof ne hath store. And 
though the Turks either want ingeny or industry, either 
care not or cannot be good shipwrights themselves; yet 
the spite is, as long as there is gold amongst the Turks 
there will be dross amongst the Christians, I mean some 
who for base gain will betray the mysteries of our useful 
arts unto them. As for wood to build with, he hath 
excellent in Bithynia ; yea, generally in this wild empire, 
trees grow better than men. To his sea munition may be 
reduced his multitude of slaves, though not the informing 


yet (against their wills) the assisting form of his galleys, 
and in whom consisteth a great part of their strength and 

Nor must we forget the pirates of Tunis and Algiers, 
which are Turks and no Turks; sometimes the grand 
signior disclaimeth, renounceth, and casteth them off to 
stand upon their own bottom; as when those Christian 
princes which are confederate with him complain to him 
of the wrongs those sea robbers have done them. But 
though he sendeth them out to seek their own meat, he can 
cloak them under his wings at pleasure : and we may verily 
believe, though sometimes in the summer of his own 
prosperity he throweth them off as an upper garment of no 
use, yet in cold weather he will buckle them on again ; and, 
if necessity pincheth him, receive them not as retainers at 
large, but as his best servants in ordinary. 

Nor is it the last and least part of the strength of this 
empire, that all her native people are linked together in 
one religion ; the discords about which in other kingdoms 
have been the cause, first of the unjointing, and then of the 
final ruin and desolation of many worthy states ; whereas 
here, the Mahometan religion (if I wrong it not with so 
good a name) is so full of unity and agreement, that there 
is no difference and dissension about it. Yea, well may 
that coat have no seam which hath no shape. A senseless 
ignorant profession it is, not able to go to the cost of a con- 
troversy : and all colours may well agree in the dark. 

Next the strength foUoweth the wealth ; yea, it is part 
thereof: for all rich kingdoms may be strong, and purchase 
artificial fortification. The certain and constant revenues 
of the Great Turk are not great, if withal we consider the 
spaciousness of his dominions. Some have mounted his 
ordinary yearly income to eight millions of gold^. But 
men guess by uncertain aim at princes' revenues, especially 
if they be so remote : we may believe that in their conjec- 
ture herein, though they miss the mark, they hit the butt. 
Far greater might his intrado be, if husbandry, and chiefly 
merchandise, were plied in his country ; merchants being 
the vena porta of a kingdom ; without which it may have 
good limbs, but empty veins, and nourish little. Now 
although this empire be of a vast extent, having many safe 
harbours to receive strangers there, and stable commodities 
(chiefly if industry were used) to allure them thither ; yet 

^ Knolles. 


hath it in effect but four prime places of trading : Constan- 
tinople, Cairo, Aleppo, and Tauns. As for the extraordi- 
nary revenues of the grand signior, by his escheats and 
other courses if he pleaseth to take them, they are a nemo 
$cit ; for in effect he is worth as much as ail his subjects 
(or slaves rather) throughout his whole empire are worth, 
his sponges to squeeze at pleasure. 

But the lion is not so fierce as he is painted, nor this 
empire so formidable as fame giveth it out. The Turk's 
head is less than his turban, and his turban less than it 
seemeth ; swelling without, hollow within. If more seri- 
ously it be considered, this state cannot be strong, which is 
a pure and absolute tyranny. His subjects under him 
have nothing certain but this, that they have nothing 
certain ; and may thank the grand signior for giving them 
whatsoever he taketh not away from them. Their goods 
they hold by permission, not propriety ; not sure that either 
they or theirs shall reap what they sow, or eat what they 
reap ; and hereupon husbandry is wholly neglected ; for 
the ploughman (as well as the ground he plougheth) will 
be soon out of heart, if not maintained and (as I may say) 
composted with hopes to receive benefit by his labours. 
Here great officers, if they love themselves, must labour 
not to be beloved ; for popularity is high treason : and 
generally wealth is a sin to be expiated by death. In a word, 
it is a cruel tyranny, bathed in the blood of their emperors 
upon every succession ; a heap of vassals and slaves ; no 
nobles (except for time being, by office) no gentlemen, no 
freemen, no inheritance of land, no stirp or ancient families ; 
a nation without any morality, arts, and sciences, that can 
measure an acre of land or hour of a day. 

And needeth not that kingdom constant and continued 
pointing, which is cemented with fear, not love ? May we 
not justly think, that there be many in this empire who 
rather wait a time than want desire to overthrow it ? For 
though some think the Grecians in Turkey bear such in- 
veterate hate to the Latin Christians, that they would rather 
refuse deliverance than accept them for their deliverers ; yet 
surely both they, and perchance some native Turks, out of 
that principle of desiring liberty (the second rule next pre- 
serving life in the charter of nature), would be made (if this 
empire were seriously invaded, so that tl|e foundation 
thereof did totter), sooner to find two hands to pluck it 
down than one finger to hold it up. 

And we have just cause to hope that the fall of this 


unwieldy empire doth approach. It was high noon with it 
fifty years ago; we hope now it draweth near night; the 
rather, because luxury, though late, yet at last hath found 
the Turks out, or they it. When first they came out of 
Turcomania, and were in their pure naturals, they were 
wonderfully abstemious, neglecting all voluptuousness, not 
so much out of a dislike as ignorance of it; but now, 
having tasted the sweetness of the cup, they can drink as 
great a draught as any others. That paradise of corporeal 
pleasure which Mahomet promised them in the world to 
come, they begin to anticipate here, at leastwise to take an 
earnest of it, and have well soaked themselves in luxury. 
Yea, now they begin to g^w covetous, both prince and 
people, rather seeking to enjoy their means with quiet 
than enlarge them with danger. 

Heaven can as easily blast an oak as trample a mush- 
room. And we may expect the ruin of this great empire 
will come ; for of late it hath little increased its stock, and 
now beginneth to spend of the principal. It were arrant 
presumption for flesh to prescribe God his way; or to 
teach him, when he meaneth to shoot, which arrow in his 
quiver to choose. Perchance the western Christians, or 
the Grecians under him (though these be better for seconds 
than firsts, fitter to foment than raise a faction), or his own 
janizaries, or the Persian, or the Tartarian, or some other 
obscure prince not as yet come into play in the world, 
shall have the lustre from God to maul this great empire. 
It is more than enough for any man to set down the fate of 
a single soul ; much more to resolve the doom of a whole 
nation when it shall be. These things we leave to Provi- 
dence to work, and posterity to behold. As for our gene- 
ration, let us sooner expect the dissolutions of our own 
microcosms than the confusion of this empire ; for neither are 
our own sins y4t truly repented of, to have this punishment 
removed from us ; nor the Turks* wickedness yet come to 
the full ripeness, to have this great judgment laid upon 




HEREIN I present the Reader with a general view and 
synopsis of the whole story of the age of the Holy 
War ; that he may see the coherence betwixt the East and 
the West, and in what equipage and correspondency of 
time the Asian affairs go on with those of Europe : for they 
will reflect a mutual lustre and plainness on one another. 

The Chronology is marshalled into ranks and files: the 
ranks, or transverse spaces, contain twenty years on a side ; 
the files, or columns directly downward, are appropriated 
to those several states whose name they bear. 

In the first six columns I have followed Helvicus with 
an implicit faith, without any remarkable alteration, both 
in ingrafiing of years and making them concur, as also 
leaving sometimes, empty spaces. In the other columns I 
have followed several authors, and left the years unnoted 
where the time was uncertain ; counting it better to bring 
in an ignarcmius than to find a verdict where the evidence 
was doubtful and obscure. 

Such long notes as would not be imprisoned within the 
grates of this Chronology , we have referred to at the foot 
of the page. 

Know that every note belongeth to that year wherein it 
beginneth, except signed with this mark^; which reduceth 
it to the year it endeth in. 

Br. standeth for brother, S. son^ M. months, D. days. 

Note, whilst there were caliphs of Egypt, then the sultans 
were but deputies and lieutenants; but afterwards the 
mamaluke sultans were absolute princes^ acknowledg- 
ing no superior. 





Urban 8 




Alex- IS 




jr.4. D.\% 


Paschal 2 














of the 

Hen- 40 
ry IV. 



























lip I. 



ilf. 10. 

Henry 1 







Holp Wary and Kinga <tf 

The Coancil of Clermont 
fonndeth the Holy War. 

ist Voyage ander Godfrey, 
Dake of Bouillon. 


Antioch, ^ Christians. 

Jenisalem, . 












the 2 

GodAney, King of Jemsa- 1 

Baldwin, his brother. 
2od Voyage under several 1 




[Princes and 



woo by the 5 




Pr. Price* o/Antioch, 

arch* of 

Patriarch* qf 


of. Sy- 





Muste- 1 

Mus- ] 








Boemnnd. 1 









He is taken can- 3 
tive. Taiicred 



I. Arnalphns Af. 9. 

I. 6e- 1 





manageth the 
state in his ab- 4 


II. Dabertas. He 1 



Ela- ] 


stickleth for Jem- 

mir, S. 

salem, to get it 



from the king. 2 



Boemnnd ran- 6 







He anfortunately 7 


Flieth to Antioch ; 4 

dio. 2 



besieseth Char- 
ras ; Travelleth 

•0 5--I 

into Franee ; 8 


I rS-r Thence to 5 





Rome : 







Z^ a Dieth in 

. Retarneth and 10 



Sicily. 7 





wasteth Grecia 


with his navy. 

. t e» 



IV. Gibellinas, 1 
Archbishop of 



Boemnnd II. S. 1 





yet a child, and 

living in Apulia : 2 






in whose minority. 

first Tancred, then 

Roger his kins- 3 






man, were princes 

in trust. 



V. Arnnlphas, 1 
Archdeacon of 













J '2 10 












Af.5. />.9. 

Gelasiax. 1 
/>. 5 




CalixtQs 2 

• 4 



HoDorias 2 


Galo> 1 
nes S. 










M. 2. D. 3. 

Innocen- 1 
tias II. 













Af. 9 

Lo- 1 
us the 
Sax- 2 




















HqV^ War, and Kik, ^ ^ 













Baldwin's voyi^es into Egypt : 17 
Ist. When he took Pharamia. 

2nd. When he got his death. IS 

Baldwin II. his kinsman. 

He fighteth on disadvantage 4 
with the Tnrks, and i« taken 


He is dearly ransomed. 
Tyre taken by the Christians. 







Baldwin getteth so much spoil 7 
fkt)m the conquered Turks as 
serveth to pay his ransom. 





(a) 13 

FnIco» Earl of Anjou, in right 1 
of Millesent, his wife, eldest 
daughter to King Baldwin. 


(a) 1131. Helvicus giveth Baldwin II. sixteen years : but herein he is deceived* 
as also in allowing King Fulco but eight. We, according the consent of the best 
authors, have given the former thirteen, the latter ten. 





^?Sjr*: J Patriarcht qf 


Roger, 9 
sedly 10 
witlt the 
Tnrks, is 
slain.^ 11 






Boemnnd, 17 
now of 
age» Cometh 
to Anti- 18 
och, and 
King 10 


He is sar- 


prised and22 
slain in 
Alice, the 1 
relict of 
princess S 
Regent in 
the minority 
of Con- 3 
stantia her 
i 4 




He is accused 6 
for his wicked 
life; (Jb) 


VI. Guarl. 
mund of 







VII. Stephen 1 
suspected to 
have been poi- 
soned by the 2 


VIII. WUUam 1 
Prior of the 







Hugh de 1 
Pagan is, 





Muste- 1 
S. 2 












and Can- 2 
fred of S. 


These first 4 
nine years 
there were 
but nine 6 




The Order 
of the 
by the 10 
Pope and a 
Everardns, 1 
master of the 


S. af- 
ter- 8 
by the 3 
man of 






Templars, 2 
to wnom 
Peter Cla- 
niacensis 3 
writ a 
book in 
praise of 4 
this Order. 





(Jb) Arnnlphns posteth to Rome, and there buyeth to be innocent. 




















Ste- 1 
snr- 2 




Con- 1 



Loois 1 
or the 
Yonn- 2 

















Eman- 1 




II. M. 5. 





Lucius II. 
M. 11. 





Eugenkus 1 

































Pre- 1 



M.4. D.!2. 
Ad astasias 

MA. />.24. 


Bar- 2 




JJolp IVar, and Kinga qf 




Baldwin III. S. Edessa 1 
won by Sangaiu from the 


\ 5 

3 Voyage nnder Conrad, the \ 6 
£niperor, and Loois, ^ 
King of France. \ 

Damascusbesiegedin vain. 7 

Discords between Baldwin ^ 
and his mother Miltesent 





Baldwin taketb the city of 
Ascalon. 131 











t^f Sy- 

^f Egypt. 





MucU- 1 
phi! S. 
to Mns- 


Reimnnd 1 




teta- 2 

Rlha- 1 

Earl of 



phit, S. 
In the 

Poicton. in 


right of « 

Patri- 2 




20th 2 


arch by 

year of 

his wife. 

the Ui- 

his reign 

He ac- 3 

ty. 3 



Robert of 


he was 3 




eth himself 

—Tyr. lib. 

by one 
Nosra- 4 

▼assal to 4 




15. c. 6. 


the Grecian 


Emperor; fl 





Vide 5 

and resien- 

Tyr. lib. 

eth CUicia 

18. cap. 

to him. 6 





40, et 6 
in 1156. 


Alme- 1 



















Fnlcher 1 
of Tyre. 










He honoar- 13 






ably enter- 

Uineth the 

King of 13 







Constantia 1 




Gaxa given 
to the Tem- 



his wid. 

Princess* % 




plars to de- 
fend Ber- 
nard deTre- 







The Tem- 
plars with 









Reinold of 

The Hospi- 

their Mas- 

Castile fl 

tallers re- 9 

ter, through 



bel against 


their own 




the Patriarch 


and is prince 1 

and deny 10 

ness, slain at 

in her right.^l 13 

to pay tithes. 






eimnnd ii 

slain in battl 

e by Nor 

adin.— 7Vr. 1 

ib. 17. c. 








Adriaa 3 


lf.8. I>.%8 

AlezaBf 1 
der III. 





















6 3 









2C 17 






















Holjf WcTy and Xii^ of 


Order of the Carmelites flrat 19 
began in Syria. 



Almerick, his brother. 

At the instance of Saltan Sanar 4 
he goeth into Egypt, and 
driveth out Syracon. 

Csesarea-Philippi lost. i 

AInierick, contrary lo his pro- d 
mise, invadeth Bgypt. 



He taketh a voyage into G««cia, ft 
to visit the £|nperor his 



Baklwin tV. 




He, to 2 
the Gre- 
cian S 
ror, was 
teth 4 
the is- 
land Cy 
pms. 5 

to Alep- 

archi of 


archt qf 



Alme- 14 
elly tor- 
men- lA 
ted for 
ins a- 16 
Rei- 17 
n old's 
• a^se. 18 

19 COS 


III. S. 

He is 5 

ed, and 
talc en e 
meth 7 




He 21 

rules 22 
to the 
lites. 23 


In 11 
vain he 
eth to 12 
to eon 
plain 13 
of them. 




Prior of 

the Se- 
pnl- 3 


Matters of 



(«) M 

III. Angeri- 
ns de Bal- 

III. Arnold- 
ns de Cam- 
pis. • 









v. GUberlas 
Assalit : who, 
to get Peln- 
sinm for his 
own Order, 
King Alme- 
rick (con- 
trary to his 
oath) to in 
vade Egypt. 

VI. Castas. 

VII. Joberw 

Masters qf 



Bertrand de 1 

He is taken 8 
prisoner. — 

TVr.1. 18.£.19. 

Philip of 1 

Afterward 2 
he renoanceth 

his place- — 



12 Tnnplani 
hanged for 

Otto de Sancto 
Amando, one 
that feared 
neither God 
nor man. — 
Tyr, lib. 21. c. 

The Templars 
basely kill the 
of the Assas- 




Caliphs qf 



These Caliphs 
of Egypt are 
very difficult 
to regulate by 
chronology ; 
and are ever 
either defici- 
ent or redun- 

dant in the 
proportion of 
time consent- 
ing with other i 
princes. Hi- 
therto we have 
followed Hel- 
vicus ; now 
adhere to Ty- 
rins, lib. 19. i 
cap. 19. and 
lib. 20. cap. 12. 

Sanar and 1 
Dargou fight 
for the Sul- 
tany of S- 1 





TurMsh Kings 
qf Egypt. 

Saladin with I 
knocketh out 
the brains of 
Elhadach, the 
last Turkish C 
liph in Egypt 

(a) 1 156. This catalogue of the Masters of the Hospitallers I find in Hospinii 
!>€ Origine Monaehatiis. It seemeth strange this Nestor Rodul^Lns should govi 
his Order 04 years; yet it appeareth to be so, if we compare Tyrins, lib. : 
cap. 6. 









Silly WoTt and MOnffB 













William Marqais of Mont- 3 
ferrat marrieth Sibyl, the 
King's sister. 







Saladin sharaefally con- 4 
qaered at Ascalon. 













Fatal fealoasies between 6 
the King and Reimund, 

na. 5. 


.If. 11. I7.S0. 







Prince of Tripoli, for 7 
many years. 


Lucius III. 1 




as, 2 




Andro- 1 
nicas, S. 











Baldwin dibbled with le- 10 
prosy, retireth himself 
from managing the state. 


V. 3. 2>. 28. 

Jf. 11. 






Urban III. 

Isaac- 1 




Baldwin V. after eight 
months, poisoned. 







Gay de Lnsigaan, in right 1 
of Sibyl, his wife. 


Conrad, Mai> 

Quy taken pri- 







1 quia of Mont' 
deth Tyre, 

■oner: Jem- .* 

JIf. 1. D. 27. 

aalem won hy 


Clement 1 





Q and is eho- 
* sen King. 

■ien^th Ptolfr' 









Hixl 1 


3 4th Voyage under PrederiCf 4 
sarnamed Barbarossa. 







4 5th Voyage under Richard 5 
of England, and Philip 

of France. 


ilf. 2. D. 10. 





5 Conrad murdered in the 6 
market-place of Tyre. 
Ptolemais taken. 


Celestine 2 





Guy exchangeth his king- 7 
dom of JernsaJem for Cy- 



M, 7. 9 





Henry, Earl of Cham- 1 



nas 1 






1188. That Antiocb wo» betrayed by a Patr 

larch, is plain by Sabellieus ; but 
or whether it was done b^ the 
ise that column, as despairing to 

ither Almericus was this traitor Patriarch, 

clan Antipatriarch. is uncertain. Here we cei 
Unue their succession any longer. 


^103. Here is a suttject for industry to dese 

rve well, in filling up the y/nrnat 




archs of 

arch* of 



ReinoM of 10 
Castile, once 
Prince of A.n- 
tioch, ran- 17 
somed firom 



^^'f • \Ma»ter$of 


BoemoBcl, 10 
by patting 
'away Tlieo- 
dora, liis 30 
lawful wife, 
caaseth much 
troaUe in 21 
this state. 









de Mo- 


Ma*-} Ca 
fers qf] liph* 









de Troge. 
— TVr.lib 
22. c. 7. 


King* of 



XI. He- 

shop of 






by the 45 
archs 46 
to Sala- 
din. (a) 




44 He tra- 5 




cus and 
dom in 
lib. 81. 
e. 6.) 


the West, 
cometh 6 
to Eng- 
land, con- 
secrateth 7 
the Tem- 

Church 8 
in London, 
and retur- de Nea- 

Antioch won a- 
min from the 
Turks, by Frede- 
rick, Duke of 8n- 

The time of Bo- 
emnnd's death is 
as uncertain ai 
who was his sue 
oessor: only we 
find Rom this 
time forward, the 
same princes (but 
without name or 
certain date) sty- 
led both of An- 
tioch and Tripoli. 

He went 

with He- 


into the 




Is slain in 
a battle 
near Pto- 


He dieth 
in an em- 
bassy to 
the Prin- 
ces in Eo' 


Bai, S. 





any aid. 10 


He lived 
and died 




He is taken 

Master ofthe 
during Ge- 
rard's du- 
Gerard is set 

X. Er- 




at liberty, 
and slain in 
the siege of 



ite of 


„ ires 

16 years 
(for so 


his sei- 
sing of 
dom of 
Damas-^i >-v 
ens. l\J 
But if 

count 1 1 
his 11 
the kil. 1 O 

ling of 1 ^ 

the B- 




ry a 
pot. 2 

he be- 








Saphra- 1 
din, bro- 
ther to Sa- 
151adin. 3 

of the Masters of the Templars, fttom the death of Gerard tiU the year 1216^ whose 

°^S1lS "^iSftolrtS ttie succession of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem to accurately 
collected iutofTyrlus. The order of those which foUow to not so authentic, being 
catcbed as we might out of several authors. — - 











MA. D,\l 


Innocent 1 




































Bald- 1 
win, E. 
of Flan- 
ders. 2 

Henry 1 
his br. 










Pre- 1 
II. 2 












H<^^ War^ and King* ^ 

















Almerick II. King also of 

6th Voyage, under Henry 
Duke ot Saxony.(a) 

The Dutchmen miserably 
kiUed of St. Martin's day. 

Simon Earl of Montfort co- 
meth into Palestine, and 

maketh a profitable peace. 5 


7th Voyage, under Baldwin, 7 
Earl of Flanders; but by 
the Pope diverted against 
the Grecian usurping Em- 8 

1 Interregnum of 5 years. Al- 9 

merick dieth of a surfeit, 
according to Marinas Sa- 

2 Butns. 10 

3 The holy war tamed against 11 
the AlMgenaea in France. 


5 Almerick for hislasiness de- 13 
posed by the Pope, dieth 
soon after. 
John Bren made King of Je- 1 
rusalem by the Pope. 


An army of children going to 
the hdy war wofully perish 
' by the way. 


(a) Henry the Palatine, Herman Landgrave, &c. win Berytus. 




flrcka nff 


eth He 


He per- 
and wri- 
teth a 
rale to 
tbe Car- 

XI. Got 
fridas de 

M(uter» of 






XII. Al 
de Por- 

Mtutert €f 








II. Otto a- 1 


Leo, King of 
Armenia, re 
storeth to the 
what be had 
taken flnon 


III. Her- I 

IV. Her- 1 
mannas a 


TurhUh Kings 

16 Between him 3 
and Saladia's 
sons (whom 

Yt\ at last be con- 4 
qnered and 
snbdoed) was 

18 long war, to 5 
the great com- 
fort and pro- 

10 fit of the 








1 Meiadia 15 
(as most com- 
pote) socceed- 

3 eth his fa- 10 
ther Saphra- 
din in Egypt. 

3 17 












of the 




Holy War, andtOngt of 


Hono- 2 
rins 111. 




Peter 1 

Earl of 
erre. 2 

. A 






The Great Lateran Gonncil, to 7 
advance the Holy War. 

8th. Voyage nnder Andrew, 8 
King of Hungary. 

Damietta besieged. 10 
DamietU taken. 11 





If. 8 

Greeory 1 


Ro- 1 


Bald- 1 













He 44 





St. 1 


The Christians entrapped in 12 
water, restore Damietta for 
their liberty; and conclude 
an eight years' trace. 13 


John Bren cometh into France, 15 
and there receiveth rich lega- 
cies n*om Philip Aagnatns. 



He is hononrably entertained 18 
at Rome, and resigneth his 

Frederick, by marriage of lole, 1 
Bren's daughter. 


0th Voyage under Frederick; 3 
who crowned himself King 













of Jerusalem; and concluding 4 
a ten years' truce, retumeth 
into Europe, leaving Reinold, 
Duke of Bavaria, his viceroy 5 
in Palestine. 







arch* qf 







Turkish Kings 






<^ Egypt. 

He is 




9 Saphradin 23 





(according to 

in the 

dus de- 


M.Paris, p. 404.) 





10 dIeth for 24 



grief that the 


to solicit 

fort nigh to 

the Holy 



1] Damietta 25 


was taken. 
IS Meladin 1 




eth stout- 

ly with 

the rest 



13 a 

of his 

Order at 



14 Is wonder- 3 

the ta- 

fully kind to 

king of 

the Christians 




15 half drown- 4 


ed in Egypt. 


409, and 



16 5 






17 6 

br the K. of 
France, to 



the Hospi- 
tallera and 




18 7 




XIV. Gua- 


rinus de 


Ta- 1 

19 8 


her, S. 


A bitter 



20 9 




The lb 


21 10 

rick the 

XV. Cer- 






ror, and 

under 19 


2» • 11 



with the 



An Inve- 

their 20 

23 12 





enemy t(i 

come 21 

24 13 

och dieth with- 




out lawftal issue. 



Prussia ; 

Frederick, base 


XVI. Ber- 

whom he 

yet so 22 

25 14 

S. to Fred, the 

trandus de 


as many 


Emp. is by Rel- 
nold, viceroy 1 



of (a) 

ly and 

them 23 

26 15 

of Jernsalem. 
made Pr. of An- 


still re- 



tiochy in spite 2 



27 16 

of Hen. K. of Cy- 



prus, who cUiin- 



ed that place. 3 1 


28 17 

(a) 1230. Several autbo 

rs assign sc 

^eral dates therein 

the Dutch Knights came 

into Prnssia : Perchance tl 

ley came in 

several parcels. T 

beir succession I had out 

of Pantaleon, Monster, and 

the Centui 

■ists. Quaere, whel 

Iher these Masters of the 

Dutch Knights in Prussia h 

ad also con 

imand over those c 

>f their Order in Syria f 















/>. ir. 

The See 

Innocent I 






iJf.5. i>.14. 







































Inter- 1 
regnam > 
of 23 
yeare, 2 
were 3 
tor* for 4 
the Em-, 




















Holy War, and Kingt qf 



The former ten yean' trace ex- 12 
pired. Reinold concladeth 
another of the same term. 

lOtb Voyage under Theobald, 13 
King of Navarre. 

14 He is unfortunately overtlirown 14 
in battle at Gaza. 















nth Voyage under Richard, 15 
Earl of Cornwall. 



The Corasines conquer the Chris-18 
tians, and sack Jerusalem. 



12th Voyafse under St. Louis, 21 
King of France. 

He arriveth in Cyprus, and 22 
there wintereth ; 

taketh Damietta ; 
beateth the Saracens. 


Robert, Earl of Artois slain. 
Louis taken prisoner. 
Interregnum of 14 years. 
The Pastorells overthrown in 2 

King lionis being ransomed, 3 
cometh into Palestine ; reco- 
vereth and fortifieth Sidon : 

returneth into France. 4 







urcha qf 



Mtutert of 

KniffhU Hob- 



Great Chants 


Kings qf 



29 18 




36 10 

; • 


31 20 




32 21 




33 22 


34 S3 


XV. Ro- 






3S 24 


XVII. Petrus 

rinns. — 
p. 726. 



36 25 

1 IS 

taken captive 
by the Cora- 

All the 

sia. 3 

37 26 


He was in 



3S 27 

the battle 

sines. — M. 



against the 

PariSt p. S33. 
XVI [I. Guli- 

slain to 


Gorasines : 



30 . 28 

as appear- 

elmus de Cas- 

(a) the 

eth in M. 

tello novo. — 


Paris ; 
where he 

Af. Part*, p." 

tallers to 


40 29 


writeth a 

teen, the 

be dieth at 

The 16 




Damiet- 30 


ing letter. 




to three. 

Melech- 1 





!with the 


SuUans 2 



are over- 

The Patri- 

All the Hospi- 



Tarqae- 1 


arch of Je- 

tallers, with 
their Master, 




was taken 

slain to one. 




S. to 





with the 

Revel : He 



King of 

made a statute 

slain to 




France. — 

whereby wo- 


Mango pei^ 

of Auti- 


men were ad- 

suaded by 


burg, cent. 

mitted into 

VI. 1 

HaltoK. 1 


13. col. 

this Order. 


of Armenia 



to tarn 
Christian 2 

(a) 1-245. Here we are at another loss for the names of the Templars, and will 

be thankful to those who will help as to them. 









Alexan- 2 
der IV. 




Afl 5* D. 0. 

Urban 1 



Clement 1 




The See 



Mi- 1 
olo- 2 



Gregory 1 













^1 ^« 






Ro- 1 
dolph ab 
purg. 2 






Ed- 1 







Holy War, and Kingt t^f 




These 10 year* following, the O 
Genoans fightinje against the 
Venetians and Pisans, hasten 
the rnin of the Gluistians in 10 





Charles, Earl of Anjon, by the I 
Pope made King of Jerusa- 
lem and Sicily. 



Phi- 1 
lip the 

Hagh King of Cypms. 
1 13tb Voyage under St Loais, 6 
King of France, Charles of 

2 Sicily, and our Prince £d- 7 

Tunis taken. Louis dieth. 

3 Prince Edward cometh to 8 

Ptolemais ; 

4 is desperately wounded, yet 9 





Patri- Matter* Mctatert 
Prmeea ^ arch$ of of KU. of Caliphs Great Chanu 


Sultana qf 


Antioch, Jeruea- Hospi- 

Dutch qfSyria,\ 










leon, a 


4||rns- 1 


Melecfa, other- 



the last 

wise called 




Daliph 2 
>f Syria, 

Elaalach, 5 
brother to 


1 cove- 






tous 3 



taketh the 6 
city of 



by the 


Haalach the 




Bendocdar. 1 



cometh to 

Antioch; is 

He is 


Haalach 1 


there kindly 




Pope by 

his brother 

by Prince 

the name 


Mango. S 



of Ur- 

ban IV. 







Abaga 1 

He winneth 5 

cometh into 

Cham his 

the kingdom of 

Europe to 


Damascus from 



VIl. 1 


the Tartarian. 6 



his kins- 

de San- 


XX. Ni- 

ger 2 




Taketh Saphet, 7 
and kiUeth all 
that would not 
turn Mahome- 8 
tans : winneth 

Antioch, in 


\ . 



the absence 


of Conrad, 

won by 
















1 IS 





) 13 




) 14 





I i: 








of the 




Holp Wkr, and Kimge ^ 



M. 4. If. 14K 

Innocent T. 





13 The kit voyaf^ 7 
under Henry Dnkeof 

13 • S 


Adrian T. 

M. 1. n. 7. 

John XX. 
AT. 8. D. 8. 

Nicola* III. 
iff. 8. /7. 29. 






14 Maria Do- 
Princess of 

15 Antioch, re- 
signeth her 
ri«;ht of the 

16 Kingdom of 
Jernsakm to 



The See void. 






17 Charles. 



Martin II. 1 













19 The Sicilian 




M, 1. J>. 7. 

And- 1 
logoa. 2 






t Charles II. 
the Lame, 

2 or the De- 


John I 
his S. 

Henry 1 
hia Br. 


HonorioBiy. 2 




Philip 1 
the Fair. 















Nicolas IT. I 








6 Berytus 
Tyre. ^ 


riost. s 






7 Ptolemais besieged ^ 6 


*f. I. D. 14. 


Adol- 1 
pboB of 




8 taken : and the Latin 7 

Christians finally ex- 
pelled out of Syria. 

9 8 


The See void. 
Gelestine V. 
Af. 6. JD. 7. 





10 9 



Boniface VIII. 





11 10 


the reader do o 
, and our chroiM 

bserve an 
>Iogy here 

y difllbrei 
!, let him 

ice bett 


Mir f 

ormer compntat 
his latter, vhicl 

ion in the 
1 1 take to 

be better perfected. 




arehB qf 







Suliaiu qf 







Dieih May 1 




1 1. Boemund 


V. S. nnder 

gotten witJi 

the taitioa 2 





swimming 17 

of the Bishop 

John de 



of Tortosa. 



Her- 1 



or Meledi- 








. w 




He is poi- 17 
Roned by the 
Saltan of Ba- 




this time 
we find 


bylon. ® \% 



Boenrand S 

a name- 



Br. styled 1 


aofw of age. 

less Pa- 


himself Ma- 

sid«th a- 

triarch of 




eainst the 



Cham, and 2 


Templars to 
the destruc- 


was a great 


tion of the 10 


of the 3 






Bar- 1 

Argon 1 

HeexpH- 9 

Peter Belias, 


Cham Icilled 

leth the Car- 

a valiant 


his Br. Ma- 

melites out 



dens. 2 

homet: he 2 

of Syria M 


the Chris- 

for changing 
thehr coats. 

Lacy his 1 

The Hos- 


tians. 3 


sister, mar- 



ried in En- 

win the 

rope.- Fide 2 

castle of 


Ragaithas 4 


CalvtM, in 

who fled 


his Br. a lasy 

hoc oimo. 

oat of 








glatton. ® 1 

Elpis, or 1 

However, 4 

when it 


He is chosen 




one Hu|;h, 

was be- 


governor of 

to Argon. 



mos de 

He was very 

both the 5 

and was 


and therein 

De- 7 

favourable 2 Seraph, or 1| 

title of An- 




to the Chris- 


tioch, and 

in his 


prineipali- 6 
ty of Tripoli. 

flight: it 

James Ma- 1 

Conra- 1 






—Kmollet, p. 

his name 



123. 7 


2 gen. 2 









<«) For in the ninth year of hia reign he winneth the city of Jeruaalem, and le- 

•tbreth it to the Eastern Christtans: who soon after loae It ^ t^f 8«lton <>' ^fj- 
(6) Last master of the Templars in Syriei,-~Continuator Belli SacH, 1. 6. c. 13, 


. . — ^_— — 


A BA6.\ maketh cowards valiant, 

-^ 257. 

Abbeys, bow and wbj sappressed in 
England, 251—255. 

Adamites against their will, 150. 

Albigenses, three opinions concern- 
ing them, 146, 147 ; their original, 
persecation, nicknames, 148, 149 ; 
defended from crimes objected, 
150 — 152; commended bj their 
adversaries, 152. 

Alexias emperor, his treachery, 25 ; 
causeth the Christians' overthrow, 
61 ; his death and epitaph, 69« 

Alexias Angelas the yoanger, a 
princely beggar, 143. 

Almerick king of Jerasalem, his cha- 
racter, 93; he belpeth the saltan 
of B^rypt, 97; invadeth Egypt 
against promise, 99; hisdeath,101. 

Almerick II., 141; deposed for la- 
ziness, 159. 

Almerick patriarch of Antiocb, 82; 
of Jerusalem, 94. 

Andronicos, a bad practiser of St. 
Paul, 119. 

Antioch won by the Christians, 29 ; 
betrayed by the patriarch to Sal- 
adin, 116 ; recovered by the duke 
of Suabia, 122 ; finally lost to the 
saltan of Egypt, 226. 

Apostasy of many Christians in 
Europe upon king Loais' captiv- 
ity, 207. 

Arms of gentlemen deserved in this 
war, 284. 

Arnulphas the firebrand-patriarch of 
Jerasalem, 49, 59, 69. 

Assassins, their strange commonweal, 

Baldwin king of Jerasalem, his 

nature, 56; be wins Aotipfttris 
and Csesarea, 62 ; his two voyages 
into Egypt, 66', his death, 67. 

Baldwin II. chosen king, 68; be is 
taken prisoner, and ransomed, 72; 
he renounceth the world, and 
dieth, 73. 

Baldwin III., his character, 79; 
discord betwixt him and his mo- 
ther, 90 ; he winneth Askelon, 92 ; 
his death, and commendation, 9^. 

Baldwin IV., 101 ; he conqaereth 
Saladin, 105, 107 ; he is arrested 
with leprosy: his death, and 
praise, 108. 

Baldwin V. poisoned by his mother^ 

Baldwin earl of Flanders emperor 
of Constantinople, 145. 

Balsamoo, Theodore, how cozened, 

Battles at or near Dogorgrao, 27 ; 
Auliooh, 29; Askelon, 50; Rha< 
mala, 62 ; Meander, 86 ; Tiberias, 
112,195; Ptolemais, 123 ; Beth- 
lehem, ISI ; Moret in France, 156; 
Gaza, 188 ; Maazar in Egypt, 
204 ; Maazar again, 206. 

Bendocdar saltan of Egypt, 225,237. 

Bernard patriarch of Antiocb, 49. 

Bernard St., an apology for, 88. 

Bibiiander's wild fancy, 18. 

Bishops namerous in Palestine, 49. 

Boemand prince of Antioch, 29; he 
is taken prisoner, 51 ; he wasteth 
Grecia, 64. 

Boemand II., 73. 

Boemand III., 97. 

Caliphs, their volnptaoasness, 78, 

Galo-Johannes Grecian emperor, 76. 



Carmelites, their original, luxury, 
and baoi»bment, 82, ^3, 

Carthage described. 227. 

Chalices in England, why of latten, 

Charatox one of the wisest men in 
the world, 120. 

Charles earl of Anjon, king of Jeru- 
salem, 223 ; he dieth for grief, 236. 

Charles U., snrnamed the Delayer, 

Children marchinir to Jerusalem 
wofully perish, 160. 

Cboermioes, their obsoure original, 
193; and final suppression, 196. 

Clerks no fit caj^tains, 61, 267. 

Clermodt council, 13. 

Climate, how it altereth health, 268. 

Conferences betwixt opposite parties 
in religion never succeed, 154. 

Conrad emperor of Germany, his 
unfortunate voyage, 85; he con- 
queretb the Turks, 85. 

Courad of Montferrat, king of Jeru- 
salem, 115 ; he is miserably slain, 

Conversions of pagans hindered by 

Christians' badness, 94, 199 ; bow 

it must orderly and solemnly be 

done, 219. 
Crouch back, Edmund, not crooked, 


Da BERT patriarch of Jerusalem, 49 ; 
he scometh with the kings for that 
city, and dies in banisument, 53, 
57, 58. 

Damascus described, 87 ; in vain 
besieged by the Christians, 87. 

Damietta twice taken by the Chris- 
tians, 165, 201; and' twice sur- 
rendered, 168, 209. 

Danish service in this war, 23, 282. 

Drunkenness wofully punished, 142. 

Duel declined, 48. 
^ Duels forbidden by St. Louis, 228. 

Eb R EM A B u s patriarch of Jerusalem, 

Edward, prince, his voyage, 226 ; 

he is desperately wounded, and 
. recovereth, 231, 232. 

Eleanor ^neen of France playeth 

false with her husband, 86, 
Eleanor wife to Prince Edward, her 

unexampled love to her buftband^ 

Elhadach caliph of Egypt, 98. 
Emmanuel emperor of Greece, 85. 
Engines before guns, 44. 
English service in this war, 22, 280. 
Equality of undertakers ruinetb this 

Holy War, 265. 
Eustace refoseth the kingdom, 69. 

Faith-breaking the cause of the 
Christians* overthrow, 99, 261. 

Fame's incredible swiftness, 14. 

Fear, the strength of imaginary, 123. 

Forts make some countries weaker, 

Franks, how ancient in the East, 278. 

Frederick Barbarossa, his unhappy 
voyage, 119; his woful drowning, 

Frederick II., king of Jerusalem, his 
disposition, 170, 214, 215; his 
grapplings with the pope, 171, 
174 ; his death and posterity, 214, 

French service in this war, 21, 278. 
Fulcher patriarch of Jerusalem, 80. 
Fulco king of Jerusalem, 74, 79. 

Galilee described, 33. 

Genoans' achievements in this war, 

German service in this war, 22, 278. 

German nobility numerous, 279. 

George, St., 30. 

Gibel lines and Guelfes, 175. 

Godfrey kin)^ of Jerusalem, 48; his 
virtuous vice, 47; his death, 55. 

Goose, the pilgrims carry one to 
Jerusalem, 18. 

Greek church rent from the Latin, 
181 ; on what occasion, 181 ; 
wherein it dissenteth, 183 ; what 
charitably is to be thought of 
them, 184 ; what hope of recon- 
cilement, 187. 

Guarimund patriarch of Jerusalem, 

69. . . 

Guy king of Jerusalem, 109 ; he is 
taken prisoner, 112 ; he ex- 
changeth his kingdom for Cyprus, 


Helen no ostleress, 5. 

Henry earl of Champagne, king of 



icniMfe«» 15S; }m wMi 4mik, 

Heorj earl of Meoklenborffh, his 

long captivity and late deliver- 
ance, 234. 
Henrj IV. king of Bngland, his 

intended TOjiage to Jerasalenii 

Heraolios the vicioos patriarch of 

Jeraaalem, 103. 
Hoi J fraod, 30. 
Holy War, argnroenU for it, 14; 

argnmentu against it, 16 ; unlikely 

again to be set on foot, !293. 
Hugh king of Jerasalem and Cyprns, 


James IV., king of Scotland, hath 
some intentions for Jemsalero, 288. 

Janizaries, thnr present insolency, 

Jernsalem destroyed by Titus, 1; 
rebailt by Adrian, 2 ; largely de- 
scribed, 38; won by the Chris- 
tians nnder Godfrey, 43 ; lost to 
Saladin, 113 ; recovered by Fre- 
derick the emperor. 173; finally 
won by the Choermines^ 193 ; her 
present estate at this day, 291. 

Jews, their wofnl present condition, 
4 ; the hinderance of their con- 
version, 4. 

Interviews of princes dangerous, 

John Bren king of Jerusalem, 160 ; 
his discords with the legate, 162 ; 
he resigneth his kingdom, 168. 

Irish service in this war, 283. 

luaao Angelns emperor of Constan- 
tinople, 115. 

Italian service in this war, 22, 280. 

Jndea described, 36. 

Kino for deputy in eastern tongues, 

Kingdom of Jernsalem, three faults 
in the, which hindered the strength 

, of it, 273. 

Knights-hospitallers, their original, 
51 ; they degenerate through 
wealth into luxury, 52 ; they rebel 
against the patriarch about tithes, 
81 ; brawl with the Templars, 191; 
flight from Cyprus by Rhodes to 
Malta, 250 ; toe manner of their 

wmp^ntmmAa Bngiand.251— ^54 ; 
in vain restored by queen Maf'y, 

Knights-templars instituted, 70; 
many slain through their own ro- 
vetousness, 92 ; they become rich 
and prond, 191 ; their treachery 
hindereth the Hol^ War, ^1; 
they are finally extirpated oat of 
Christendom, 242 ; argnmenls 
for and against their innocency, 
with a moderate way betwixt 
them, 243—247. 

KnightsTentonicks, their institotion, 
71 ; they are honoured with a 
^rand master, 123; they come 
into Prusnia, their service there, 

Knights of the Sepulchre, 291. 

Later AN council, 160. 

Length of the Journey hinderance of 
this war, 266. 

licopold duke of Austria, his valour, 

Leprosy, 268. 

Louis the Young, king of France, 
wofnl journey, 85, 86. 

Louis, St., his voyage to Palestine, 
196 ; he wintereth in Cyprus, 198 ; 
lands in Egypt, wins Damietta, 
201 ; is conquered and taken cap- 
tive, 206 ; dearly ransomed, 209. ^ 

Louis, St., bis second voyage, 226 ; 
he besiegeth Tunis, 227 ; bis 
death and praise, 228. 

Mahometantsm, the cause why 

it is so spreading, 8. 
Mamalukes, their original, 104; 

their miracnioos empire, 213 
Maronites, their tenets, and recon- ^ 

eilement to Rome, l02. 
Meladin king of Egypt, hisbonnty 

to the Christians, 167; why not 

loved of his subjects, 203; bis 

death, 202. 
Meiechsala his son king of Egypt, 

Melecbsailes sultan of Egypt, 237. 
Mercenary soldiers dangerous, 96 ; 

yet how, well qualitico, they may ^ 

be useful, 96. 
Miracles of this war exsmined. and 

ranked into four sorts : vix. 1, not 



done; 3, falselv done ; 3, done bj 
Nfttore, 360 ; 4, dooe bj Satan, 

NipE besieged and taken bjr the 

ChrUtiana, S7. 
Nile, the, its wonders and nature, 

Northern armies majr prosper in the 

Koatb, 269. 
Norwegian service, 23, 282. 
Namberi* Damberless idain in these 

wars, 276. 
NumherK, what, oompetent in an 

ariaj, 274, 275. 
Notubers of Anian armies, what we 

tnajr conceive of them, 274. 

Observation of Roger Hoveden 

confuted, 114. 
Offers for Palestine since the end of 

the war, 286—288. 
OHice of the Virgin, why instituted, 
' 14. 
Owls, why honoored by the Tar- 

larians, 177. 

Palestine in general described, 

Pastorelli in France slain, 218. 
Pelagius the leg[ate, 163. 
Peter the Hermit, his character, 12 ; 

he proves himself but a hjpo- 
^ crite, 12. 

Peter king of Aragon, a favourer of 

the Albigenses, slain in battle, 

Philip Angustos king of France, his 

voyage to Palestine, and nnseason- 

able return, 130. 
Pilgrimages proved uniawfnl, 258. 
Poland's service in this war, 23, 
' 281. 

Pope's, the, private profits by the 

holy war, 18 ; he the principal 

cause of the ill success, 263. 
*<> Ptolemais won by the Christians, 

63; regained bv Salad in, 112; 

after three years siege recovered 

by the Christians, 128; finally 

taken by sultan Serapha, 240. 

* Quality of the adventurers in this 
war, 20. 

Red Sea, why so called, 66» 

ReformatioD, why Rome is averse 
from it, 182. 

Reimundearl of Tripoli, his discords 
with Baldwin, 106; his apostasy 
to Saladin, 111 ; his suspicions 
death, 112. 

Relies, how to be valued, i36 ; why 
so many before death renounced 
the world, 73. 

Richard king of England, his voy- 
a^ to Palestine, 125 ; he taketh 
Sicily and Cyprus in his passage, 
127, 128 ; Taiiquisheth Saladin in 
a set battle, 134 ; in his return he is 
taken prisoner in Austria, and 
ransomed, 138- 

Richard earl of Cornwall, his voyage 
to Palestine. 190. 

Robert duke of "Normandy, his va- 
lour, 28 ; he refuseth the kingdom 
of Jerusalem, and thriveln not 
after. 47. 

Rodolph chosen unexpectedly em- 
l>eror of Germany, 234; seudeth 
supplies to Syria, 234. 

Rodolph the unhappy patriarch of 
Antioch, 74, 7^, 

Sacrilege, 272. 

Saladin killeth the caliph of Egypt, 
100 ; succeeds in Egypt and Da- 
mascus, 100; conquereth Guy. 
112; taketh Jerusalem and all 
S>ria, 113 ; his commendations 
and death, 139. 

Scholars without experience no 
good generals, 162. 

Scottish service in this war, 23. 

Sea and land service compared, 222. 

Sidoii described ; won by the Chris- 
tians, 64, 65 ; lost to the sultan of 
Egypt, 237. 

Simon earl of Montfort concludeth 
a truce in Syria, 143 ; chosen cap* 
tain against the Albigenses, 155 ; 
is killed by a woman, 157. 

Spanish service in this war, 23, 281. 

Stephen patriarch of Jerusalem, 70. 

Superstition tainting this tvhole war, 

Suspected soldiers, in armies where 
to be placed, 195. 

Sultans, their large commissions, 78. 

Sweden apiteareth not in the Holy 
War, 23. 



Tartaria described, 10, 176. 

Tartars, their name and natore, 134 ; 
when first known to the world, 
176; coDTerted to Cbristianitj, 
918 ; their relapse to paganism, 
9^ ; the occasion, 2ie5. 

Theobald king of Navarre, his on- 
happv Tojage, 188. 

Titalar bishops, their ase and abuse, 
118 ; pretenders of titles to the 
kingdom of Jeraiialem, 293. 

Tnnis described, 228: besieged, 
228 ; taken by the Christians, 229. 

Turks, whence descended, 10; their 
large strides into Asia, 11 ; harder 
to be converted than Tartars, 179. 

Turkish empire, its greatness, 
strength, and wealth, 297—299 ; 
the weakness and defects of it, 
300 ; what hopes of its approach- 
ing ruin, 301. 

Tylo Colopp a notable cheater, 216. 

Tyre described, 65 \ taken by the 
Christians, 72 ; valiantly defended 
by Conrad, 113 ; won by sultaa 
Alpbir, 237. 

Venetians' performance in this 
war, 72 ; their bloody sea-bat tie 
with the Genoans, 222. 

Viciousness of the pilgrims which 
went to Palestine, 270. 

Wafer-cakk, why wrought in the 

borders of all Egyptian tapestry, 

Welsh service in this war, 283. 
William patriarch of Jerusalem, 80. 
William landgrave of Hesse, bLt 

fictitious voyage to Jerusalem 

confuted. 288. 289. 
Women warriors, 21, 84. 
Wrecks first quitted by the kings of 

England to their subjects, 126. 

printed by C. WBUTIKOUAM. 







i ^